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viernes, 29 de abril de 2005
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EL INDOEUROPEO? "NUNCA EXISTIO’...ES UNA LEYENDA", DICE SEMERANO

un estudioso italiano contra la ipotesis de una lengua indoeuropea

El estudioso Giovanni Semerano, 94 años, es el mayor conocidor italiano de filologia y linguistica historica del medio oriente. Originario de Apulia, fue alievo de Gaetano De Sanctis y Giulio Bertoni en Roma y de Ettore Brignone y Giorgio Pasquali, en Florencia. Semerano, que actualmente vive en Florencia, adonde fue “Soprintendente agli Archivi”, es autor de una opera monumental (tambien por el precio…pero una Universidad podria permetirse la adquisicion) que se llama “Dizionario Etimologico”, fruto de cincuenta años de trabajo y adonde ententa de demonstrar que las lenguas de Europa fueron influenciadas por la lengua acadica del imperio de Sargon. Ahora acaba de publicar, en italiano, su nuevo libro: “La favola dell’indoeuropeo”, Bruno Mondadori Editore 2005 (a cura de Maria Felicia Iarossi, pp. 117, euro 12). En el mismo dice que el indoeuropeo nunca existiò y que fue solo una creacion hecha “a tavolino” por filologos ingleses y alemanes. De un articulo de Antonio Gnoli, publicado en “La Repubblica” del 28 de abril 2005: Su mision ha sido aquella de haber destituido de sentido la idea que a la base de las lenguas que ahora hablamos haya el indoeuropeo. ¿Como naciò esta leyenda de una lengua tanto fuerte que pudo condicionar a todas las otras? “Historicamente hablando, normalmente se lee que fue el juez William Jones, en el siglo XVIII a dar un aporte decisivo, imaginando de haber descobierto una lengua mas cercana que otras a las lenguas europeas: el sanscrito. Pero no es verdad: fue un mercader florentino del siglo XVI, Filippo Sassetti, que en una carta a Bernardo Davanzati, escribì ya como muchas palabras sanscritas fuesen parecidas a las italianas...”. El sanscrito, por largo tiempo, fue la lengua oficial de India. ¿El hecho de haber encontrado un parentezco con el latino, el germanico y el persa cuales consecuencias tiene? “Seria mejor, antes, preguntarse que es el indoeuropeo: una lengua reconstruida por entero. El primero que se cimentò en su utilizacion para una narracion fue el comparativista August Schleicher”. Que intende cuando dice reconstruida? “Que es una lengua ipotetica y no fundada sobre documentos reales”. Entonce, cuales son los motivos de su succeso? Porqué los mayores linguistas, del ‘700 en adelante, acreditaron su imagen vencedora? “La expresion vencedora puede ya dar la idea. Es la ideologia eurocentrica que formò la teoria del indoeuropeo. Pero si miramos al pasado, vemos que la Europa antigua no era muy importante: en verdad, fue el medio oriente el faro de nuestra civilizacion. La lengua acadica, el babilones, el asirio. Lenguas que hicieron nacer nuestra cultura occidental”. Que idea tiene del Occidente? “La idea de una civilizacion que es en total deuda con el Oriente proximo. Repito: en deuda con Sumeros, Acadicos y Babiloneses. Ejemplos podria hacerne montones en matematica, geometria, astronomia, medecina, musica y derecho. Los influxos estan todavia sobrevivendo entre nosotros, en la vida de todos los dias. Fue en la Medialuna fertil adonde nacieron las bibliotecas, que son las instituciones que mejor que otras califican un pueblo. Es un vinculo que tiene 5000 años”. Como se manifiesta este vinculo? “Piensad al mito de Sargon el grande, fundador de la dinastia de Akkad, que tomò su ejercito en el Mediterraneo. Su leyenda es casi la misma de aquella de Romulo y Remo. No conocia a su padre. Su madre era una sacerdotesa. Lo pusieron en las aguas de un rio y fue transportado hacia sus nuevos padres...” Las origines de una civilizacion casi siempre cobren de un velo mitico la historia real. Cual fue la importancia del mito para la lengua? “Cada palabra es un mito. Originariamente, “mito” significa simplemente “palabra”. Y cada palabra tiene su propia dinamica creatriz”. La religion puede ser una componente fundamental..?cual es su relacion con la lengua? “Religion es “religio”: un vinculo cultural...lo que tiene unida una comunidad umana”. Ud. conoce Dumézil y Lévi-Strauss? “Solamente sus obras. Ni uno, ni el otro son historicamente solidos como Jean Bottéro. Por ejemplo, Dumézil, en su texto “La religion romana arcaica” se pierde en una serie de voces a proposito de “Quirinus”, que es pues solo de la misma base de “quiris”...es un titulo solemne. Deriva del acadico “khiru” (area fortificada) y pasò a significar, antes, “abitante del castrum”. Dicho del dios Marte, que deambula en este mundo de las origenes, hace ver una divinidad que protege el castrum”. Sus viajes mas interesantes? “Me gustaron Cina y Egipto...pero, el viaje mejor es con un libro en la mano”. Ama otras lecturas que no sean linguisticas? “Poesias...me gustan los verso griegos y latinos clasicos. Amo Alcmanes y el mito del viejo Alcion, que no puede mas volar y las Alcionesas lo toman en alto, sobre el mar...me gustan los mitos mesopotamicos...y los autores alemanes. Cincuenta años atras, yo traducì Hesse en italiano”. Que piensa de la Universidad? “Las academias y las universidades son instituciones que tardan a tomar ideas nuevas...tambien cuanso solamente se trata de abrir un debate sobre las mismas, puede ser por confutarlas. Este es el linde primero: son instituciones limitadas”. FIN De: “Gli influssi delle antiche civiltà del medio oriente sulla prima formazione culturale dell’Europa” de Giovanni Semerano EUROPA Viene del asirio “erebu” = occidente. Un verbo muy antiguo “erepu/arapu” significa “devenir obscuro” y se dice del cielo. Frisk y su indoeuropeo sospira “uneklart” (no claro)... Los griegos mantuvieron “erebos” = “obscuridad”: una voz tomada del oriente. ASIA Ya Kiepert dijo que viene del asirio “asu” el “levantar del sol”. Sanscrito “usas”. Aurora es en griego dorico “aos”. HIDRONIMOS EUROPEOS “Naru” es “rio/suelo humedo” en acadico y la hidronimia/toponimia europea es llena de “nar-”. “Musu” es el lugar adonde las aguan caen. Y existen: Mosa, Mosella, Moesia, Mysia, Moskowa. Algunos hidronimos ingleses en “catt-“ pueden derivar de “kadu” que en acadico es “lugar fortificado”. Thames deriva de “thamu” = “torcido” y “asitu”= “foz/canal”. Camb- de Cambridge viene del celta Camb- = curva, pero en griego es ya kambe y a la base hay el acadico “kapapu”= curvar. Muchos torrientes se llaman todavia Amber/Ambra. No es que pudemos ir solo al latin “imber” = “lluvia” o al sanscrito “ambbas”= “agua”...Ya en sumero hay “ambar”= “palud” y en acadico “apparu”, de adonde deriva el toponimo toscano Affrico. “Padus” el nombre latin del rio “Po”, que hay tambien como raiz en “Patavium”, la ciudad de Padua, una ciudad que tiene un rio, deriva del acadico “patu” = “rio/canal”. Ve el galico “bedu”, que es lo mismo. Y el griego “potamos” deriva de “patu” + “-amos”, quen en acadico es “amum/habbu/abbu” = “palud”...piensad al ingles Avon, antico britanico Abona: base en acadico “abbu”. Y al latin “amnis”. ESTO ES SOLO UN EJEMPLO DE LO QUE ESCRIBE SEMERANO Un ARTICULO EN ITALIANO: SERGIO FRAU Così la Terra cominciò a parlare Scavando nell'etimologia del greco, del latino e del sanscrito, Giovanni Semerano ha rintracciato la madre di tutte le lingue. Arriva dalla Mesopotamia Qualcosa di nuovo, anzi di antico. Antico e sorprendente. Mettiamo Adamo... Di solito si parte da lui e si viene avanti, fino a noi. A un certo punto, quando racconta dell'Eden, anche il professor Giovanni Semerano s'imbatte in Adamo: ma a quel punto ti sorprende e va all' indietro: prima nell'ebraico dove "adam" vuol dire uomo e "dama" terra. Poi, scava scava, si spinge ancora più in là, e finisce per arrivare all'ugaritico di "adam", ovvero "umanità". Anche la sua Eva è molto più antica della Bibbia, c'è da sempre: "Ama" in sumero significa madre, e siccome con la pronunzia accadica la emme si legge "w", eccola già presente nel nome "Awa, Ewe"... E Zeus, il dio trionfante degli inizi? Il professore - analizzando il beotico Deus, il miceneo Diwe, le basi delle lingue omeriche con Zen e Zena- ne - fa il punto d'arrivo di termini molto, molto antecedenti come ziu o zinnu e zananu ( pioggia, piovere) anch'essi termini accadici che ben quadrano con l'appellativo che al primo degli dei affibbiò prima Omero ("adunatore di nubi"), poi Roma ("Giove pluvio"). E con Crono suo terribile padre, allora? Finora al suo nome non fu mai data una spiegazione plausibile. (La storia del tempo è infatti roba recente, greca). Il professore, invece, ci si è messo al solito di buzzo buono: ha perlustrato Omero, vi ha rintracciato un Crono dalla falce ricurva, simbolo della Luna. Ha controllato poi in Macrobio, ha consultato Ovidio, e - scoprendovi una Crane divinità latina che qualcuno ha identificato nella Dea Luna - oggi è finalmente certo che sia Crono che Crane, siano imparentati da vicino con il "cornu" latino, che a sua volta ci arriva dall'accadico "qarna " (corna, anche quelle della Luna). E così via, parola per parola: il vecchio mondo tutto nuovo... Un tempo nel VII secolo a. C., per incontri così, ci si doveva sbattere fino alla sacra Sais, in Egitto. E si aspettava. Si aspettava. Se poi, a qualcuno dei sacerdoti di lì - ultimi depositari della grande sapienza dei faraoni e dei loro archivi - girava bene, potevi magari avere con uno di loro uno di quegli incontri che ti spalancano la testa, ti aprono mondi, ti forniscono parole chiave per entrare nella memoria del passato. Giovanni Semerano, invece, abita a cinque minuti da Santa Maria Novella, in un appartamento al pian terreno circondato da diecimila libri ("Tutti nuovi, tutti comprati dopo l'alluvione che mi portò via nel fango quelli che avevo allora") e accudito da Fely, una signora filippina che - dice lui - è diventata, ormai, una vera rabdomante per trovare i testi che gli servono, quando la casa gioca a nasconderglieli d'improvviso. E' minuto, sorride spesso, parla a voce molto bassa, modulando però, con sacralità, le importanze delle sue parole. E racconta, così, cose che ha studiato per tutta una vita. E che strabiliano. Fa venire in mente quel drappello di vecchi della Yourcenar che, tenendosi per mano, ti portano - sommando tutte le loro età - alle sapienze degli antichi. Entrare con il professore nel Pantheon degli antichi dei, stupisce fin dai primi incontri. E' come se tutti loro ti venissero presentati per la prima volta, con il loro vero nome. I Titani e i Giganti, ad esempio. Che fossero figli della Grande Madre Terra, si è sempre saputo ma fa un certo effetto sapere che "tit" in aramaico vuol dire "terra argillosa" e che "gea", la terra dei greci che fa da base a Giganti, sotto sotto già nascondeva "ga", terra in sumero. O che il nome Cadmo figlio del fenicio Agenore, a sua volta figlio di Poseidone dio del mare, riserva sorprese: lo ritroviamo a diverse latitudini prima e dopo che fondi Tebe. "Qadmu" in accadico è il capostipite, "predecessore", "l'antico". (Anche in ebraico, per dire origine, si usa "qadma"). E sua sorella Europa che all'inizio indicava l'Occidente? Dall'assiro "erebu", "erabu" ovvero offuscarsi, occidente. Ovvio, no? Del resto sono tutte parole di 1000, 1500 anni precedenti alla lingua di Omero. Dietro la sua aria serena il professore cela una vera rivoluzione: è lui - pugliese di Ostuni, classe 1911 - l'uomo che, ormai da anni, qui in Italia sta uccidendo l'"Indo-europeo", la teoria diffusionista nata a fine Settecento che - partendo dalle assonanze che la lingua sanscrita (allora appena scoperte) mostrava con molti idiomi mediterranei ed europei - ipotizzava quella matrice indiana non solo per le impalcature linguistiche della nostra civiltà, ma anche per la struttura culturale delle prime genti giramondo che, di conseguenza, sempre da lì - dalle terre oltre il Caucaso - venivano fatte arrivare. In mancanza di meglio la teoria - grazie soprattutto a quelle somiglianze con il greco, il latino, il germanico - divenne legge. Gli studiosi tedeschi i suoi primi custodi. Trionfò così, di pari passo con la Germania, per più di due secoli. E continuò a dominare dappertutto - nei libri e sulle cattedre - persino quando, nella seconda metà dell' Ottocento, il ventre di fango della Mesopotamia cominciò a restituire a decine di migliaia quelle tavolette graffiate con piccoli cunei incisi, in bella scrittura: una civiltà prima delle civiltà, di molto antecedente al IX secolo dei sanscriti. Così, ancor oggi, spesso si tiene buono quel mitico imprinting indo- europeo ormai scaduto. Cosicché "la glottologia, nonostante i suoi progressi, non ha finora permesso di far luce su migliaia di nomi di antichi popoli, di luoghi, di città, di mari, di fiumi che si affollano nella storia delle civiltà antiche...". Poche cose riservano sorprese come il passato: grazie a quei graffietti cuneiformi, negli ultimi decenni, si è appurato che già nel 2300 a.C. la lingua dei cunei dominante il mondo - l'accadico-sumero, l'inglese di allora - aveva permeato attraverso le conquiste di re come Sargon il grande, i suoi commerci, gli scontri e i viaggi, non solo l'intero Mediterraneo, ma anche, con un effetto domino prolungato nei secoli, gli Sciti del Mar Nero, le pianure della Russia, le distese dell'Europa centrale, le vallate verso l'India. Continuerà a farlo più di mille anni dopo soprattutto con i Siro- Fenici prima (e il loro linguaggio di mare, e quel loro alfabeto che costituirà l'impianto per l'alfabeto di Omero), e con i Greci poi che contagiarono di poesia e cultura mezzo mondo. Il Sanscrito degli indo-europei nacque, di là dal Caucaso, sempre da quei contagi recenti: non può essere dunque quella lingua la madre di tutti i nostri idiomi. Al massimo una sorella... Per questo, quaranta anni fa, il professore ha dato il via alla sua paziente, sterminata, puntigliosa, esaltante caccia grossa al senso nascosto nelle parole. Trovandolo. Del resto aveva cominciato già Socrate... Lo testimonia Platone nel Cratilo: "Socrate: Sapresti dirmi perché il fuoco si chiama "pyr"? Ermogene: Per Zeus, proprio no. Socrate: Allora bada, ho un sospetto a tale riguardo: penso che gli Elleni, specie quelli che vivono sotto il dominio degli stranieri, molte parole le abbiano prese da essi. Ermogene: E allora?. Socrate: Se uno cerca le ragioni di questi nomi in base alla lingua ellenica e non in base a quella dalla quale derivano, tu capisci che non ha via di uscita...". E lui, il professore, questo ha fatto. Dice: "Le parole sono come le stelle: le vedi brillare ancora e magari sono morte, invece, da milioni di anni...". O anche: "Ormai è certo: senza la Grecia d'Asia, terra di feconde esperienze e contatti caldei, la Grecia d'Europa non sarebbe mai stata la Grecia". Con in testa convinzioni come queste, Giovanni Semerano, già cinquant'anni fa - quand'era soprintendente alle Biblioteche della Toscana, e studiava tanto, e frequentava Bernard Berenson, e disquisiva di etrusco con Re Gustavo di Svezia - si è immerso nelle parole, nelle loro etimologie primigenie. Milioni di parole che ora gli brillano intorno, tutte insieme, vivissime: dalle più antiche - quelle accadico- sumere, appunto - fino alle greche, alle latine, all'italiano, al tedesco di oggi, all'inglese. Ne ha dato conto anni fa in una poderosa pubblicazione per l'editore Olschki. Ne parlò tutto il mondo. La Chicago University lo volle tra i suoi saggi. Uomini che fanno cultura come Umberto Galimberti, Luciano Canfora, Massimo Cacciari lo vedono come l'amico sapiente da interpellare per un'etimo oscuro. (Cacciari, nel suo Arcipelago, edito da Adelphi, si sdebita con lui in nota: "Alle straordinarie ricerche di questo solitario devo moltissime indicazioni e suggestioni per tutta la dimensione etimologica di questo libro"). Ed Emanuele Severino, mai tenero, per i libri di Semerano si è sbilanciato con la definizione: "Una festa dell'intelligenza". Un'unica stroncatura gli arrivò da Salvatore Settis, che però dovette poi incassare dal professore una lettera, lunga e staffilante, che lo lasciò senza parole. Sei anni prima che i Lincei in pompa magna attribuissero il bronzo di Riace più anziano a Pitagora, scultore calabrese, lui l'aveva già scritto. E viene data per buona la sua traduzione delle lamine di Pyrgi, uno dei documenti più importanti, lunghi e difficili che gli Etruschi ci abbiano lasciato. Un cervellone, insomma... Ora sta dando gli ultimi ritocchi alla prefazione di Apeiron, un equivoco millenario alle origini del pensiero greco, un altro libro fantastico che uscirà in autunno a dar scossoni e scombussolare le certezze di chi si è occupato di filosofia finora. E' un saggio del tutto autonomo che, però, per essere gustato appieno, presuppone la conoscenza dell'intero impianto etimologico messo su dal professore. Quindi - se si amano queste cose - ci si metta in gruppo, ci si quoti in comitiva ( e si facciano, poi, i turni per le consultazioni), si costringano i presidi di facoltà a comprarlo, le biblioteche di quartiere ad averlo... ma alla fine si tirino fuori le 612 mila lire (300 euro circa) che costano i quattro poderosi tomi finora pubblicati (Le origini della cultura europea, tutt'insieme pagg. 2.331). Per stamparli - con tutti quegli svirgolii, gli asterischi, i segnetti che le antiche parole accadiche, greche, ebraiche esigono - il suo editore, Olschki, ha dovuto comprare caratteri apposta, all'estero. E in questi casi nessun ministero in Italia - finora - aiuta un editore che ama la qualità ma che, certo, non può farsi uccidere da essa... Scrive il professore: "Nessuno, fino a qualche decennio fa, avrebbe potuto supporre una realtà come questa che sta bruciando ormai ogni vanità eurocentrica e che restituisce al Vicino Oriente, anche sul piano linguistico, il giusto riconoscimento di un'inesauribile matrice". E dice anche:" Il Castello indoeuropeo non regge più: è l'intero universo delle voci comuni che è geneticamente riconducibile alle civiltà di Sumer, Akkad, Babilonia, Ebla, Ugarit, Tiro, Sidone...". Salpare con il professore - su quelle che furono le loro rotte, usando la loro lingua per capire quel loro mondo ora nostro, zigzagando per queste sue pagine sorprendenti - è un po' come navigare all'antica, quando era ancora la costa - con le bizzarrie della sua natura - a farti da guida, segnalandoti rotte, tappe e approdi. Viaggiando negli etimi che lui ha catturato, ingabbiato e ordinato nei suoi libri- dizionario e scuoiando via gli ultimi strati dalle parole greche e latine con il suo affilato impianto sumero-accadico, tutto, d'incanto, si fisicizza. Si fa materia, senso, e - proprio tornando all'essenza, ai significati primordiali - stranamente, il mondo antico diventa anche più comprensibile, più vero. Cosa unisce l'Olimpo di Giove e le Alpi di Bossi a parte quel che solo i geologi già sanno (e che cioè fanno parte di una lunga sola catena montuosa, quella degli Acrocerauni)? Entrambi derivano il proprio nome dalla comune matrice accadica che aggroviglia insieme halpu (ghiaccio) e elepu (diramarsi). E Nilo? Neilos per i greci, Nilus per i latini, anche il Nilo trova finalmente una sua spiegazione nel babilonese più antico che per dire e scrivere inondazione usava nilum. Arabia? Dal mediobabilonese del II millennio, "arbu": deserto, luogo arido. Asia? Da "asu"(accadico) "luogo dove sorge il sole, oriente". Persino dietro al Belgio si nasconde un'etimologia accadica con quel "palgu" (canale) che in ebraico diventerà "peleg" per scorrere fino al mare-pelagus dei romani. E così facendo battezza di nuovo il mondo, e - quasi quasi - lo ricrea, restituendo i nomi evocativi del primo significato a tutto. Persino il corpo umano sembra trovare un senso nuovo. "Mano" dice il professore "è una di quelle parole che hanno sfidato i millenni. Ma non ha mai avuto un'etimologia. Ora, però, sappiamo che nell'accadico manu significava calcolare, computare, e che nell'aramaico manja era l'unità di misure equivalente a 480 grammi, giusto quanti una mano ne poteva contenere". E sia parlandoci - ma anche soltanto leggendolo - si avverte anche dentro di lui un magma incandescente, miscela esplosiva di passioni, odii, antipatie, amori che - anch'esse - travalicano i millenni e lo fanno contemporaneo di tutto ciò di cui parla. Aristotele? "Spesso si confonde interpretando male le parole degli antichi...". Platone? "Nel Cratilo fa danzare lo sciame delle etimologie in un gioco vorticoso, superficiale, guidato appena dal suono delle parole". E c'è Esiodo che, per lui, di tanto in tanto "va cianciando di giorni fausti e infausti". Persino il Big Bang della scienza più recente viene etichettato, con smagata sufficienza di chi ne ha sentite tante negli ultimi 4000 anni, come "pirotecnica invenzione ". Le distanze dei secoli, con lui, così, scompaiono. Come quando Champollion, grazie a quelle sue parole chiave, riuscì a forzare la memoria dell'Egitto per restituircelo, attuale e pieno di vita. E c'è, forse, un po' di se stesso - dell'isolamento che ha dovuto sopportare quand'era ancora in mezzo al guado delle sue ricerche - quando a un certo punto riporta le schegge affilate con cui fu immaginato Eraclito in un momento di sfogo: "Sono Eraclito. Perché, idioti, mi tirate su e giù? Non ho faticato per voi, ma per quelli che sanno capire". O anche quando cita lo stesso Eraclito che sbotta così: "Per me uno solo vale quanto moltissimi, se spiritualmente è il migliore". Altri tempi... LOS ACADICOS FUERON EN EUROPA??? Alguien dice que en Cerdena, sì... TIENEN EL SARDO Y EL SUMERICO ALGO EN COMUN? Una ipotesis ... STUDI SULLA LINGUA SARDO-SUMERICA compiuti dal Prof. Raffaele Sardella, Don Eligio Saiu e Augusto Mocci KARRAXIU (sardo) = disordine Karrasu (sumerico) = disordine KUKKURU (sardo) = monte Kur+Kuk+Ru (sumerico) = altura-monteKOKKOI (sardo) = pane KUKKU(sumerico) = paneKORONGIU AKKA (sardo) = nome di uno spettacolare rilievoroccioso nelle campagne di Villamassargia dove nidificano i gheppi KURUNNU+AKU (sumerico) = la roccia del dio Luna LAUNEDDA (sardo) = antichissimo strumento musicale a fiatoLABUN+ED (sumerico) la grande vescica si gonfia UNA XEDD' 'E GENTI (sardo) = molte persone KESDA (sumerico) = molte persone SOLINAS (sardo) = è un cognome molto comune SUL+I+NA (sumerico) = colui che appartiene al dio Sole En Cerdena, en un lugar que se llama “monte de Accoddi” hay un verdadero ziqqurat… Altare megalitico di Monte d'Accoddi Questo meraviglioso sito si trova a 11km da Sassari e a circa 3Km da Porto Torres. Partendo da Porto Torres si deve prendere la strada n°131 per Sassari e a circa 3km sulla destra, subito dopo il bivio per Bancali, troveremo la strada lastricata che conduce al grande parcheggio del sito. Monumento della preistoria che per forma ricorda moltissimo i più famosi ziqqurat della mesopotamia, infatti, come si può vedere dalle immagini, è costituito da una lunga rampa (41,8m) che conduce su una struttura troncopiramidale costituita da due piattaforme a sezione rettangolare, di cui quella di base misura 40X30m e la seconda 25X20m. Ricostruzione del santuario della seconda fase> Sulla seconda piattaforma era presente un piccolo sacello, tempietto di dimensioni 12,8X2,2m. Questo magnifico monumento non ha eguali ne in Sardegna e neppure in tutta l'Europa, la sua vera origine è attualmente sconosciuta, anche se sono svariate le ipotesi. < Planimetria del monumento Durante gli scavi, i primi eseguiti nei primi anni cinquanta ad opera di Ercole Contu, si portò in luce il monumento e in scavi successivi, condotti da Santo Tinè, si scoprì che sotto l'attuale struttura ne esisteva un'altra costituita da una rampa più piccola e da una sola piattaforma alta 5,40m e di lati 27,50X24m. Quest'ultimo aveva le pareti ricoperte da piccole lastre di pietra legate da una malta argillosa e pitturate di rosso e anch'esso presentava un sacello, di cui sono ancora visibili i muretti perimetrali. Altra prova dell'abbandono del santuario è stata quella del ritrovamento, in un angolo della parte superiore della piramide, di una sepoltura di bambino con il suo corredo vascolare e risalente al II° millennio a. C.. Ci sono stati anche altri ritrovamenti interessanti, come due steli. La prima stele è stata ritrovata fra i materiali riutilizzati per la ricostruzione della seconda piramide; si tratta di un frammento di calcare che presenta delle decorazioni lineari incise e qualche traccia di pittura rossa. Questa stele potrebbe rappresentare la testa di una statua, infatti i segni spiraliformi e rettilinei ricordano degli occhi ed un naso. Si sa che questa stele è precedente al santuario perché le decorazioni richiamano quelle della cultura preistorica Ozieri, testimonianze di quest'ultima sono le molte domus de janas ed i vasi tipici. La seconda stele è una lastra alta 1,15m, è stata ritrovata adagiata sul terreno, ma, in origine era retta da un piedistallo di pietrame. Nella parte posteriore del monumento è possibile vedere la copia, infatti, l'originale è esposta in una apposita sala del Museo G. A. Sanna di Sassari. Fronte e retro della seconda stele > Su questa stele possiamo dire che, molto probabilmente, rappresentava un'immagine sacra attorno alla quale si svolgeva un qualche cerimoniale. Se osserviamo bene vediamo scolpita la figura di una donna, forse rappresenta la divinità venerata a Monte d'Accoddi, infatti, si notano due protuberanze che rappresentano i seni, una grossa testa, le braccia e le gambe aperte. Altri idoli più piccoli sono stati rinvenuti e alcuni di questi mostrano affinità con quelli molto diffusi nelle isole dell'Egeo. Per avere maggiori informazioni su questo affascinante sito, per prenotare visite guidate per scuole, gruppi piccoli o grandi, vi consiglio di rivolgervi alla: Coop "THELLUS", Via Deffenu 23, 07100 Sassari, tel. 079/2016099, fax. 079/2009492, oppure inviate un messaggio a "thellus@tiscalinet.it" .. dimenticavo,... si occupano anche di escursioni turistico archeologiche in tutta la Sardegna e visite guidate all'interno del Museo Archeologico G.A. Sanna di Sassari. Queste informazioni sono tratte da "Altare megalitico preistorico di Monte d'Accoddi" di Santo Tinè.


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Tijera Pulsa este icono si opinas que la información está fuera de lugar, no tiene rigor o es de nulo interés.
Tu único clic no la borarrá, pero contribuirá a que la sabiduría del grupo pueda funcionar correctamente.


  1. #1 silmarillion 29 de abr. 2005

    El hecho es que es mucho mas directo y sencillo el rastreo de las raíces IE en el ingles y en el aleman que en el español, el francés o el italiano. Cuelgo este artículo de Calvert Watkins, Profesor emérito de Lingüítica de la Universidad de Harvard, http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~classics/people/watkins.html The Comparative Method Indo-European is the name given for geographic reasons to the large and well-defined linguistic family that includes most of the languages of Europe, past and present, as well as those found in a vast area extending across Iran and Afghanistan to the northern half of the Indian subcontinent. In modern times the family has spread by colonization throughout the Western Hemisphere. 2 A curious byproduct of the age of colonialism and mercantilism was the introduction of Sanskrit in the 18th century to European intellectuals and scholars long familiar with Latin and Greek and with the European languages of culture — Romance, Germanic, and Slavic. The comparison of the classical language of India with the two classical languages of Europe revolutionized the perception of linguistic relationships. 3 Speaking to the Asiatick Society in Calcutta on February 2, 1786, the English Orientalist and jurist Sir William Jones (1746-1794) uttered his now famous pronouncement: The Sanskrit language, whatever be its antiquity, is of a wonderful structure; more perfect than the Greek, more copious than the Latin, and more exquisitely refined than either, yet bearing to both of them a stronger affinity, both in the roots of verbs and in the forms of grammar, than could possibly have been produced by accident; so strong, indeed, that no philologer could examine them all three, without believing them to have sprung from some common source, which, perhaps, no longer exists. 4 Of course, the fact that certain languages present similarities among themselves does not necessarily mean they are related. Some similarities may be accidental: the Greek verb “to breathe,” “blow,” has a root pneu-, and in the language of the Klamath of Oregon the verb “to blow” is pniw-, but these languages are not remotely related. Other similarities may reflect universal or near-universal features of human language: in the languages of most countries where the bird is known, the cuckoo has a name derived from the noise it makes. A vast number of languages around the globe have “baby talk” words like mama and papa. Finally, languages commonly borrow words and other features from one another, in a whole gamut of ways ranging from casual or chance contact to learned coinages of the kind that English systematically makes from Latin and Greek. 5 But where all of these possibilities must be excluded, the comparatist assumes genetic filiation: descent from a common ancestor. In the case of Indo-European, as Sir William Jones surmised over two centuries ago, that ancestor no longer exists. It has been rightly said that the comparatist has one fact and one hypothesis. The one fact is that certain languages present similarities among themselves so numerous and so precise that they cannot be attributed to chance and of such a kind that they cannot be explained as borrowings or as universal features. The one hypothesis is that these languages must then be the result of descent from a common original. 6 In the early part of the 19th century, scholars set about systematically exploring the similarities observable among the principal languages spoken now or formerly in the regions from Iceland and Ireland in the west to India in the east and from Scandinavia in the north to Italy and Greece in the south. They were able to group these languages into a family that they called Indo-European (the term first occurs in English in 1813, though in a sense slightly different from today’s). The similarities among the different Indo-European languages require us to assume that they are the continuation of a single prehistoric language, a language we call Indo-European or Proto-Indo-European. In the words of the greatest Indo-Europeanist of his age, the French scholar Antoine Meillet (1866-1936), “We will term Indo-European language every language which at any time whatever, in any place whatever, and however altered, is a form taken by this ancestor language, and which thus continues by an uninterrupted tradition the use of Indo-European.” 7 The dialects or branches of Indo-European still represented today by one or more languages are Indic and Iranian, Greek, Armenian, Slavic, Baltic, Albanian, Celtic, Italic, and Germanic. The present century has seen the addition of two branches to the family, both of which are extinct: Hittite and other Anatolian languages, the earliest attested in the Indo-European family, spoken in what is now Turkey in the second and first millennia B.C.; and the two Tocharian languages, the easternmost of Indo-European dialects, spoken in Chinese Turkistan (modern Xinjiang Uygur) in the first millennium A.D. 8 English is the most prevalent member of the Indo-European family, the native language of nearly 350 million people and the most important second language in the world. It is one of many direct descendants of Indo-European, one of whose dialects became prehistoric Common Germanic, which subdivided into dialects of which one was West Germanic; this in turn broke up into further dialects, one of which emerged into documentary attestation as Old English. From Old English we can follow the development of the language directly, in texts, down to the present day. 9 This history is our linguistic heritage; our ancestors, in a real cultural sense, are our linguistic ancestors. But it must be stressed that linguistic heritage, while it may tend to correspond with cultural continuity, does not imply genetic or biological descent. Linguists use the phrase “genetically related” to refer simply to languages descended from a common ancestor. The transmission of language by conquest, assimilation, migration, or any other ethnic movement is a complex and enigmatic process that this discussion does not propose to examine—beyond the general proposition that in the case of Indo-European no genetic conclusions can or should be drawn. 10 Although English is a member of the Germanic branch of Indo-European and retains much of the basic structure of its origin, it has an exceptionally mixed lexicon. During the 1400 years of its documented history, it has borrowed extensively and systematically from its Germanic and Romance neighbors and from Latin and Greek, as well as more sporadically from other languages (compare the Appendix of Semitic Roots in English below, pages 2062-2068). At the same time, it has lost the great bulk of its original Old English vocabulary. However, the inherited vocabulary, though now numerically a small proportion of the total, remains the genuine core of the language; all of the 100 words shown to be the most frequent in the Corpus of Present-Day American English, also known as the Brown Corpus, are native words; and of the second 100, 83 are native. A children’s tale like The Little Red Hen, for example, contains virtually no loanwords. 11 Yet precisely because of its propensity to borrow from ancient and modern Indo-European languages, especially those mentioned above but including nearly every other member of the family, English has in a way replaced much of the Indo-European lexicon it lost. Thus, while the distinction between native and borrowed vocabulary remains fundamentally important, more than 50 percent of the basic roots of Indo-European as represented in Julius Pokorny’s Indogermanisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch [Indo-European Etymological Dictionary] (Bern, 1959) are represented in Modern English by one means or the other. Indo-European therefore looms doubly large in the background of our language. 12 After the initial identification of a prehistoric language underlying the modern Indo-European family and the foundation of the science of comparative linguistics, the detailed reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European proceeded by stages still fascinating to observe. The main outlines of the reconstructed language were already seen by the end of the 1870s, but it was only during the course of the 20th century that certain of these features received general acceptance. The last decades of the 20th century have happily witnessed a resurgence of Indo-European studies, catalyzed by advances in linguistic theory and an increase in the available data that have resulted in a picture of the reconstructed proto-language that is, in a word, tighter. The grammar of Indo-European today is more thoroughly organized and more sharply focused at all levels. There are fewer loose ends, fewer hazy areas, and those that remain are more clearly identified as such. New etymologies continue to be made, new roots are recognized, and older etymologies undergo revision to incorporate new evidence or better analyses. The attention to detail in reconstruction in this newly revised Roots Appendix reflects these ongoing developments in the field: Indo-European studies are alive with excitement, growth, and change. 13 The comparative method—what we have called the comparatist’s “one fact and one hypothesis”—remains today the most powerful device for elucidating linguistic history. When it is carried to a successful conclusion, the comparative method leads not merely to the assumption of the previous existence of an antecedent common language but to a reconstruction of all the salient features of that language. In the best circumstances, as with Indo-European, we can reconstruct the sounds, forms, words, even the structure of sentences—in short, both grammar and lexicon—of a language spoken before the human race had invented the art of writing. It is worth reflecting on this accomplishment. A reconstructed grammar and dictionary cannot claim any sort of completeness, to be sure, and the reconstruction may always be changed because of new data or better analysis. But it remains true, as one distinguished scholar has put it, that a reconstructed protolanguage is “a glorious artifact, one which is far more precious than anything an archaeologist can ever hope to unearth.” 14 An Example of Reconstruction Before proceeding with a survey of the lexicon and culture of the Indo-Europeans, it may be helpful to give a concrete illustration of the method used to reconstruct the Proto-Indo-European vocabulary and a brief description of some of the main features of the Proto-Indo-European language. The example will serve as an introduction to the comparative method and indicate as well the high degree of precision that the techniques of reconstruction permit. 15 A number of Indo-European languages show a similar word for the kinship term “daughter-in-law”: Sanskrit snu, Old English snoru, Old Church Slavonic snkha (Russian snokhá), Latin nurus, Greek nuós, and Armenian nu. All of these forms, called cognates, provide evidence for the phonetic shape of the prehistoric Indo-European word for “daughter-in-law” that is their common ancestor. Sanskrit, Germanic, and Slavic agree in showing an Indo-European word that began with sn-. We know that an Indo-European s was lost before n in other words in Latin, Greek, and Armenian, so we can confidently assume that Latin nurus, Greek nuós, and Armenian nu also go back to an Indo-European *sn-. (Compare Latin nix [stem niv-], “snow,” with English SNOW, which preserves the s.) This principle is spoken of as the regularity of sound correspondences; it is basic to the sciences of etymology and comparative linguistics. 16 Sanskrit, Latin, Greek, and Armenian agree in showing the first vowel as -u-. We know from other examples that Slavic regularly corresponds to Sanskrit u and that in this position Germanic o (of Old English snoru) has been changed from an earlier u. It is thus justifiable to reconstruct an Indo-European word beginning *snu-. 17 For the consonant originally following *snu-, closer analysis is required. The key is furnished first by the Sanskrit form, for we know there is a rule in Sanskrit that s always changes to (a sh-like sound) after the vowel u. Therefore a Sanskrit snu- must go back to an earlier *snus-. In the same position, after u, an old -s- changes to kh (like the ch in Scottish loch or German ach) in Slavic; hence the Slavic word, too, reflects *snus-. In Latin always, and in Germanic under certain conditions, an old -s- between vowels changed to -r-. For this reason Latin nurus and Old English snoru may go back to older *snus- (followed by a vowel) as well. In Greek and Armenian, on the other hand, an old -s- between vowels disappeared entirely, as we know from numerous instances. Greek nuós and Armenian nu (stem nuo-) thus regularly presuppose the same earlier form, *snus- (followed by a vowel). All the comparative evidence agrees, then, on the Indo-European root form *snus-. 18 For the ending, the final vowels of Sanskrit snu, Old English snoru, and Slavic snkha all presuppose earlier - (*snus-), which is the ordinary feminine ending of these languages. On the other hand, Latin nurus, Greek nuós, and Armenian nu (stem nuo-) all regularly presuppose the earlier ending *-os (*snus-os). We have an apparent impasse; but the way out is given by the gender of the forms in Greek and Latin. They are feminine, even though most nouns in Latin -us and Greek -os are masculine. 19 Feminine nouns in Latin -us and Greek -os, since they are an abnormal type, cannot have been created afresh; they must have been inherited. This suggests that the original Indo-European form was *snusos, of feminine gender. On the other hand, the commonplace freely formed ending for feminine nouns was *-. It is reasonable to suggest that the three languages Sanskrit, Germanic, and Slavic replaced the peculiar feminine ending *-os (because that ending was normally masculine) with the normal feminine ending *-, and thus that the oldest form of the word was *snusos (feminine). 20 One point remains to be ascertained: the accent. Of those four language groups that reflect the Indo-European accent—Sanskrit, Greek, (Balto-)Slavic, and Germanic—the first three agree in showing a form accented on the last syllable: snu, nuós, snokhá. The Germanic form is equally precise, however, since the rule is that old -s- went to -r- (Old English snoru) only if the accented syllable came after the -s-. 21 On this basis we may add the finishing touch to our reconstruction: the full form of the word for “daughter-in-law” in Indo-European is *snusós. 22 It is noteworthy that no single language in the family preserves this word intact. In every language, in every tradition in the Indo-European family, the word has been somehow altered from its original shape. It is the comparative method that permits us to explain the different forms in this variety of languages by the reconstruction of a unitary common prototype, a common ancestor. 23 Proto-Indo-European Grammar: Sounds and Forms A large part of the success of the comparative method with the Indo-European family is due to both the number and the precision of the agreements among the languages, not only in the regular sound correspondences of the roots but even more strikingly in the particulars of morphology, the forms of language in their grammatical function. Consider the partial paradigms of the words for “dog” (kwon-) and “to kill” (gwhen-): 24 Hittite Greek Vedic Sanskrit nominative kuwas kú (u)v accusative kuwanan kúna vnam genitive knas kunós únas Lithuanian Old Irish Proto-Indo- European nominative uõ cú *k(u)w(n) accusative ùni coin *kwón genitive uñs con *kunés Hittite Vedic Sanskrit Proto-Indo- European third singular present indicative kuenzi hánti *gwhén-ti third plural present indicative kunanzi ghnánti *gwhn-énti The agreement of detail in sound correspondences (see the chart on pages 2018-2019), in vowel alternations and their distribution, in the accent, in the grammatical forms (endings), and in the syntactic functions is little short of astounding. 25 Speech Sounds and Their Alternations. The system of sounds in Proto-Indo-European was rich in stop consonants. There was an unvoiced series, p, t, · (like the ky sound at the beginning of cute), k (like the c of cup), kw (like the qu of quick), a voiced series, b, d, , g, gw, and a voiced aspirate or “murmured” series, bh, dh, h, gh, gwh, pronounced like the voiced series but followed by a puff of breath. (Some scholars would reinterpret the traditional voiced series as an unvoiced ejective, or glottalized, one. While this new glottalic theory accounts for some typological difficulties, it introduces more problems than it solves. In this work, as in most current handbooks, Indo-European forms appear in their traditional shape.) 26 The three series of k-like sounds, or velars, seen above—termed palatal (·, , h), plain (k, g, gh), and labiovelar (kw, gw, gwh)—were reduced to two in most of the daughter languages. In the so-called “centum languages” (comprising Greek, Italic, Germanic, and Celtic), the palatal velars become plain velars and the labiovelars at first remained, while in the “satem” languages (Indo-Iranian, Balto-Slavic, and Armenian), the labiovelars became plain velars and the palatals became sibilants. (The terms “centum” and “satem” come respectively from the Latin and Avestan words for “hundred,” illustrating the two developments.) The boldface entry words in Appendix I do not distinguish plain from palatal velars, but more precise information is given for the interested reader in some entries following the English gloss of the root. 27 If Proto-Indo-European was rich in stop consonants, it was correspondingly poor in continuants, or fricatives, such as English f, v, th, s, and z, having only s, which was voiced to z before voiced stop consonants. It had as well three laryngeals or h-like sounds, 1, 2, 3, of disputed phonetic value (equivalent notations are h1, h2, h3 or H1, H2, H3). The sounds are preserved as such (at least in part) only in Hittite and the other Anatolian languages in cuneiform documents from the second millennium B.C. Compare Hittite pas-, “to protect,” coming directly from Indo-European *pa2-s- (PASTOR, see p-), or Hittite arb-, “to change allegiance or status,” from Indo-European *3orbh- (ORPHAN, see orbh-). In all the other languages of the family, the laryngeals are lost, and their former presence in a word can only be deduced from indirect evidence such as the vowel “coloring” and the contractions discussed below. Elucidation of the details of these laryngeals remains one of the most interesting problems confronting Indo-Europeanists today. 28 Proto-Indo-European had two nasals, m and n, two liquids, r and l, and the glides w and y. A salient characteristic of Indo-European was that these sounds could function both as consonants and as vowels. Their consonantal value was as in English. As vowels, symbolized , , , and , the liquids and nasals sounded much like the final syllables of English bottom, button, bottle, and butter. The vocalic counterparts of w and y were the vowels u and i. The laryngeals too could function both as consonants and as vowels: their consonantal value was that of h-like sounds, while as vowels they were varieties of schwa, much like the final syllable of English sofa; hence the choice of schwa to represent laryngeals in Appendix I. 29 The other vowels of Indo-European were e, o, and a. These, as well as i and u, occurred both long and short, as did the diphthongs ei, oi, ai, eu, ou, au. (All vowels are pronounced as in Latin or Italian.) Since we can distinguish chronological layers in Proto-Indo-European, it can be said that a number of the long vowels of later Indo-European resulted from the contraction of early Indo-European short vowels with a following , a process consisting of the loss of with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel. Already in Proto-Indo-European itself, two of the three laryngeals had the property of “coloring” an adjacent fundamental vowel e to a and o, respectively, before the contractions took place. Thus the root p-, “to protect,” is contracted from older *pa2-, with “a-coloring” from *pe2-; the root d-, “to give,” is contracted from older *do3-, with “o-coloring” from *de3-; and the root dh-, “to set, put,” is contracted from older *dhe1-, without coloring. The fundamental vowel in each of these roots, as in most Indo-European roots, was originally e. In scholarly usage it is now customary to write the noncoloring laryngeal as 1 (or h1); the a-coloring laryngeal as 2 (or h2); and the o-coloring laryngeal as 3 (or h3). The three laryngeals are identified by number in the “oldest root form” information given at the beginning of certain entries in the Appendix, following the English gloss of the root. Elsewhere, in the boldface entrywords and cross-references, as well as in the italic citation of root forms and other reconstructions in the main text of an entry, the notation of these laryngeals is simplified to . The vowel before the schwa is sufficient to distinguish the three in the cases of contraction to a long vowel, and in other positions in most languages other than Greek the three merge to one. Laryngeals also colored a following vowel e (but not o) before their loss. Thus ant-, “front, forehead,” is from earlier *2ent-, colored to *2ant- (Hittite ant-, “front, forehead”); op-, “to work, produce in abundance,” is from earlier *3ep-, colored to *3op- (Hittite app-in-ant-, “rich”); and ed-, “to eat,” is from earlier *1ed-, without coloring (Hittite ed-, “to eat”). Note that only the vowel e could be colored by a laryngeal; owi- “sheep” is from *2owi-, while ag- is from *2eg- with coloring. Initial laryngeals are also only noted as part of the “oldest root form” information in relavant entries. 30 A characteristic feature of Indo-European was the system of vocalic alternations termed apophony or ablaut. This was a set of internal vowel changes expressing different morphological functions. A clear reflex of this feature is preserved in the English strong verbs, where, for example, the vocalic alternations between write and wrote, give and gave, express the present and past tenses. Ablaut in Indo-European affected the vowels e and o. The fundamental form was e; this e could appear as o under certain conditions, and in other conditions both e and o could disappear entirely. On this basis we speak of given forms in Indo-European as exhibiting, respectively, the e-grade (or full grade), the o-grade, or the zero grade. The e and the o might furthermore occur as long or , termed the lengthened grade. 31 To illustrate: the Indo-European root ped-, “foot,” appears in the e-grade in Latin ped- (PEDAL), but in the o-grade in Greek pod- (PODIATRIST). Germanic *ftuz (FOOT) reflects the lengthened o-grade *pd-. The zero grade of the same root shows no vowel at all: *pd-, *bd-, a form attested in Sanskrit. 32 When the zero grade involved a root with one of the sounds m, n, r, l, w, or y (collectively termed resonants), the resonant would regularly appear in its vocalic function, forming a syllable. We have the e-grade root senkw- in English SINK, the o-grade form *sonkw- in SANK, and the zero-grade form *skw- in SUNK. 33 In the paradigms cited earlier, the word for “dog,” kwon-, appears in the o-grade in the accusative case *kwón-(), in the zero grade in the genitive case *kun-(és), and in the lengthened o-grade in the nominative case *kw(n). Note that the nonsyllabic resonant w appears as the vowel u when it becomes syllabic. The verb “to kill,” gwhen-, appears in the e-grade in the third singular *gwhén-(ti), and in the zero grade in the third plural *gwhn-(énti). It appears in the o-grade *gwhon- in Germanic *ban-n- (BANE). The n of the zero grade *gwhn- becomes syllabic () before a consonant: *gwh-(ty-) becoming Germanic *gundj (GUN). 34 In the case of roots with long vowels arising from contraction with , the ablaut can be most clearly understood by referring to the older, uncolored and uncontracted forms. Thus p-, “to protect,” contracted from *pe2- colored to *pa2-, has a zero grade *p-; d-, “to give,” contracted from *de3- colored to *do3-, has a zero grade *d-; dh-, “to place,” contracted from *dhe1-, has a zero grade *dh-. The fundamental vowel of the full grade disappears in the zero grade, and only the remains. Long and long could also arise from contraction: full grade peu-, “to purify,” has a zero grade *pu- contracted to *p- (PURE); full grade pei-, “to be fat, swell,” has a zero grade *pi- contracted to *p- (IRISH). In roots of the structure of p(i)- “to drink,” from earlier *pe3(i)-, the variant with (i) formed a zero-grade *pi-, contracted to *p- (PIROGI). 35 Grammatical Forms and Syntax. Proto-Indo-European was a highly inflected language. Grammatical relationships and the syntactic function of words in the sentence were indicated primarily by variations in the endings of the words. Nouns had different endings for different cases, such as the subject and the direct object of the verb, the possessive, and many other functions, and for the different numbers, namely the singular, plural, and a special dual number for objects occurring in pairs. Verbs had different endings for the different persons (first, second, third) and numbers (singular, plural, dual), for the voices active, passive, and middle (a sort of reflexive), as well as special affixes for a rich variety of tenses, moods, and categories such as causative-transitive (*-éyo-) and stative-intransitive (*--) verbs. Practically none of this rich inflection is preserved in Modern English, but it has left its trace in many formations in Germanic and in other languages such as Latin and Greek. These are noted in Appendix I where they are relevant. 36 With the exception of the numbers five to ten and a group of particles including certain conjunctions and quasi-adverbial forms, all Indo-European words underwent inflection. The structure of all inflected words, regardless of part of speech, was the same: root plus one or more suffixes plus ending. Thus the word *ker-wo-s, “a stag,” is composed of the root ker-1, “horn,” plus the noun suffix *-u-, plus the possessive adjective suffix *-o-, plus the nominative singular ending *-s: “the horned one.” The root contained the basic semantic kernel, the underlying notion, which the suffix could modify in various ways. It was primarily the suffix that determined the part of speech of the word. Thus a single root like prek-, “to ask,” could, depending on the suffix, form a verb *pk-sko-, “to ask” (Latin poscere), a noun *prek-, “prayer” (Latin precs), and an adjective *prok-o-, “asking” (underlying Latin procus, “suitor”). Note that *prek-, *prok-, and *pk- have, respectively, e-grade, o-grade, and zero grade. 37 The root could undergo certain modifications. Extensions or enlargements did not affect the basic meaning and simply reflect formal variations between languages. Suffixes had more specific values. There were verbal suffixes that made nouns into verbs (*-yo-) and others that marked different types of action, like transitive (*-éyo-) and stative-intransitive (*--). There were nominal suffixes that made agent nouns (*-ter-), abstract nouns (*-ti-), verbal nouns (*-wer/n-) and verbal adjectives (*-to-, *-ent-), and nouns of instrument (*-tro-) and other functions. 38 The root plus the suffix or suffixes constituted the stem. The stems represented the basic lexical stock of Indo-European, the separate words of its dictionary. Yet a single root would commonly furnish a large number of derivative stems with different suffixes, both nominal and verbal, much as English love is both noun and verb as well as the base of such derivatives as lovely, lover, and beloved. For this reason it is customary to group such collections of derivatives, in a variety of Indo-European languages, under the root on which they are built. The root entries of Appendix I are arranged in this way, with derivatives that exhibit similar suffixes forming subgroups consisting of Indo-European stems or words. 39 Indo-European made extensive use of suffixation in the formation of words but had very few prefixes. The use of such prefixes (“preverbs”) as Latin ad-, con-, de-, ex- (ADVENT, CONVENE, DERIVE, EXPRESS) or Germanic be- (BECOME, BEGET) can be shown to be a development of the individual languages after the breakup of the common language. In Indo-European such “compounds” represented two independent words, a situation still reflected in Hittite and the older Sanskrit of the Vedas (the sacred books of the ancient Hindus) and surviving in isolated remnants in Greek and Latin. 40 An important technique of word formation in Indo-European was composition, the combining of two separate words or notions into a single word. Such forms were and continue to be built on underlying simple sentences; an example in English would be “He is someone who cuts wood,” whence “He is a woodcutter.” It is in the area of composition that English has most faithfully preserved the ancient Indo-European patterns of word formation, by continuously forming them anew, re-creating them. Thus housewife is immediately analyzable into house + wife, a so-called descriptive compound in which the first member modifies the second; the same elements compounded in Old English, hs + wf, have been preserved as an indivisible unit in hussy. Modern English has many different types of compound, such as catfish, housewife, woodcutter, pickpocket, or blue-eyed; the same types may be found in the other Germanic languages and in Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, Celtic, and Slavic. 41 The comparative study of Indo-European poetics has shown that such compounds were considered particularly apt for elevated, formal styles of discourse; they are a salient characteristic especially of Indo-European poetic language. In addition, it is amply clear that in Indo-European society the names of individual persons—at least in the priestly and ruling (or warrior) classes—were formed by such two-member compounds. Greek names like Sophocles, “famed for wisdom,” Celtic names like Vercingetorix, “warrior-king,” Slavic names like Mstislav, “famed for vengeance,” Old Persian names like Xerxes, “ruling men,” and Germanic names like Bertram, “bright raven,” are all compounds. The type goes as far back as Proto-Indo-European, even if the individual names do not. English family names continue the same tradition with such types as Cartwright and Shakespeare, as do those of other languages, like Irish (O’)Toole, “having the people’s valor.” 42 Semantics. A word of caution should be entered about the semantics of the roots. It is perhaps more hazardous to attempt to reconstruct meaning than to reconstruct linguistic form, and the meaning of a root can only be extrapolated from the meanings of its descendants. Often these diverge sharply from one another, and the scholar is reduced in practice to inferring only what seems a reasonable, or even merely possible, semantic common denominator. The result is that reconstructed words, and particularly roots, are often assigned hazy, vague, or unspecific meanings. This is doubtless quite illusory; a portmanteau meaning for a root should not be confused with the specific meaning of a derivative of that root at a particular time and place. The apparent haziness in meaning of a given Indo-European root often simply reflects the fact that with the passage of several thousand years the different words derived from this root in divergent languages have undergone semantic changes that are no longer recoverable in detail. Nevertheless, some roots can be given specific semantic values, such as nes-1, “to return safely home” (NOSTALGIA). 43 Lexicon and Culture The reconstruction of a protolanguage—the common ancestor of a family of spoken or attested languages—has a further implication. Language is a social fact; languages are not spoken in a vacuum but by human beings living in a society. When we have reconstructed a protolanguage, we have also necessarily established the existence of a prehistoric society, a speech community that used that protolanguage. The existence of Proto-Indo-European presupposes the existence, in some fashion, of a society of Indo-Europeans. 44 Language is intimately linked to culture in a complex fashion; it is at once the expression of culture and a part of it. Especially the lexicon of a language—its dictionary—is a face turned toward culture. Though by no means a perfect mirror, the lexicon of a language remains the single most effective way of approaching and understanding the culture of its speakers. As such, the contents of the Indo-European lexicon provide a remarkably clear view of the whole culture of an otherwise unknown prehistoric society. 45 The evidence that archaeology can provide is limited to material remains. But human culture is not confined to material artifacts. The reconstruction of vocabulary can offer a fuller, more interesting view of the culture of a prehistoric people than archaeology precisely because it includes nonmaterial culture. 46 Consider the case of religion. To form an idea of the religion of a people, archaeologists proceed by inference, examining temples, sanctuaries, idols, votive objects, funerary offerings, and other material remains. But these may not be forthcoming; archaeology is, for example, of little or no utility in understanding the religion of the ancient Hebrews. Yet, for the Indo-European-speaking society, we can reconstruct with certainty the word for “god,” *deiw-os, and the two-word name of the chief deity of the pantheon, *dyeu-pter- (Latin Ipiter, Greek Zeus patr, Sanskrit Dyau pitar, and Luvian Tatis Tiwaz). The forms *dyeu- and *deiw-os are both derivatives of a root dyeu-, meaning “to shine,” which appears in the word for “day” in numerous languages (Latin dis; but English DAY is from a different root). The notion of deity was therefore linked to the notion of the bright sky. 47 The second element of the name of the chief god, *dyeu-pter-, is the general Indo-European word for FATHER, used not in the sense of father as parent but with the meaning of the adult male who is head of the household, the sense of Latin pater familias. For the Indo-Europeans the society of the gods was conceived in the image of their own society as patriarchal. The reconstructed words *deiw-os and *dyeu-pter- alone tell us more about the conceptual world of the Indo-Europeans than a roomful of graven images. 48 The comparative method enables us to construct a basic vocabulary for the society of speakers of Proto-Indo-European that extends to virtually all aspects of their culture. This basic vocabulary is, to be sure, not uniform in its attestation. Most Indo-European words are found only in some of the attested languages, not in all, which suggests that they may have been formed at a period later than the oldest common Indo-European we can reconstruct. There are also dialectal words that are limited in the area of their extension, as in the case of an important sociological term such as the word for “people,” teut-, which is confined to the western branches: Italic, Celtic, and Germanic. (It is the base of German Deutsch and of DUTCH and TEUTONIC.) In cases such as these, where a word is attested in several traditions, it is still customary to call it Indo-European, even though it may not date from the remotest reconstructible time. It is in this sense, universally accepted by scholars, that the term Indo-European has been used in this Dictionary. 49 We may examine the contents of this Indo-European lexicon, which aside from its inherent interest permits us to ascertain many characteristics of Indo-European society. It is remarkable that by far the greater part of this reconstructed vocabulary is preserved in native or borrowed derivatives in Modern English. 50 General Terms. It is appropriate to begin with a sampling of basic terms that have no special cultural value but attest to the richness of the tradition. All are widespread in the family. There are two verbs expressing existence, es- and bheu-, found in English IS, Latin esse, and English BE, Latin fu-trus (FUTURE), respectively. There are verbs meaning “to sit” (sed-), “to lie” (legh-, kei-1), and “to stand” (st-). There are a number of verbs of motion, like gw-, “to come,” ei-, “to go,” ter-2, “to cross over,” sekw-1, “to follow,” kei-2, “to set in motion,” and the variants of “rolling or turning motion” in wel-2, wer-2, and kwel-1. 51 The notion of carrying is represented by the widespread root bher-1 (BEAR1), found in every branch except Anatolian. This root is noteworthy in that it formed a phrase n-men- bher-, “to bear a name,” which is reconstructible from several traditions, including English. This phrase formed a counterpart to n-men- dh-, “to give a name,” with the verb dh-, “to set, put,” in Sanskrit, Greek, and Slavic tradition. The persistence of these expressions attests the importance of the name-giving ritual in Indo-European society. 52 For the notions of eating and drinking, the roots ed- and p(i)- are most widespread. The metaphor in “drunk, intoxicated,” seems to have been created independently a number of times in the history of the Indo-European languages; Latin brius, “drunk” (INEBRIATED), was without etymology until a cognate turned up in the Hittite verb meaning “to drink”; both are derived from the root egwh-. 53 The verb “to live” was gwei-; it formed an adjective *gw-wos, “alive,” which survives in English QUICK, whose original sense is seen in the biblical phrase the quick and the dead. For the notion of begetting or giving birth there are two roots, tek- and the extremely widely represented gen-, which appears not only as a verb but also in various nominal forms like *gen-os, “race,” and the prototypes of English KIN and KIND. 54 A number of qualitative adjectives are attested that go back to the protolanguage. Some come in semantic pairs: sen-, “old,” and newo-, “new”; also sen-, “old,” and yeu-, “youthful vigor”; *tenu-, “thin” (under ten-), and tegu-, “thick”; gwer-1, “heavy,” and legwh-, “light.” There are also the two prefixes (e)su-, “good, well-,” and dus-, “bad, ill-,” in the Greek forms borrowed as EU- and DYS-. But normally adjectives denoting value judgments like “good” and “bad” are not widespread in the family and are subject to replacement; English good, Latin bonus, and Greek agathos have nothing to do with one another, and each is confined to its own branch of the family. 55 The personal pronouns belong to the very earliest layer of Indo-European that can be reached by reconstruction. Their forms are unlike those of any other paradigms in the language; they have been called the “Devonian rocks” of Indo-European. The lack of any formal resemblance in English between the subject case (nominative) I and the object case (accusative) ME is a direct and faithful reflection of the same disparity in Proto-Indo-European, respectively eg (*eg) and me-1. The other pronouns are tu- (*te-), “thou,” nes-2 or we-, “we,” and yu-, “you.” No pronouns for the third person were in use. 56 The cognate languages give evidence for demonstrative and interrogative pronouns. Both have also developed into relative pronouns in different languages. The most persistent and widespread pronominal stems are to- and kwo-, which are preserved in the English demonstrative and interrogative-relative pronouns and adverbs beginning with th- (THIS, THEN) and wh- (WHO, WHICH, WHEN). 57 All the languages of the family show some or all of the Indo-European numerals. The language had a decimal system. There is complete agreement on the numerals from two to ten: dwo- (*duw), trei- (*treyes), kwetwer- (*kwetwores), penkwe, s(w)eks, sept, okt(u), new, dek. For the numeral “one” the dialects vary. We have a root sem-1 in some derivatives, while the western Indo-European languages Germanic, Celtic, and Latin share the form oi-no-. The word for “hundred,” formed from dek, “ten,” was *(d)ktom. No common form for “thousand” or any other higher number can be reconstructed for the protolanguage. The deeper origins of the names of the numbers are purely speculative. They were occasionally subject to renewal: “four” in the most ancient branch, Anatolian, is a derivative of mei-2, “small,” extended to *meiu-: the meaning was “little (hand),” minus the thumb. 58 Nature and the Physical Environment. A large number of terms relating to time, weather, seasons, and natural surroundings can be reconstructed from the daughter languages, some of which permit certain inferences about the homeland of the Indo-European-speaking people before the period of migrations took them to the different localities where they historically appear. 59 There are several words for “year,” words that relate to differing conceptions of the passage of time. Such are yr- (YEAR), related to words denoting activity; wet-2, the year as a measure of the growth of a domestic animal (WETHER, basically “yearling”); and at- in Latin annus (ANNUAL), from a verb meaning “to go,” referring to the year as passage or change. The seasons were distinguished in Indo-European: ghei-, “winter,” wes-, “spring,” and sem-2, “summer.” 60 The lunar month was a unit of time. The word for “month” (*mns-) is in some languages identical with the word for “moon,” in others a derivative of it, as in Germanic *mnth- remade from *mns-. “Moon/month” in Indo-European is a derivative of the verb “to meas-ure,” m-2. The adjective sen- (*seno-), “old,” was also used for the waning of the moon, on the evidence of several languages. 61 The other celestial bodies recognized were the sun, swel-, and the stars, ster-3. There is evidence from several traditions for similar designations of the constellation Ursa Major, though these may not go back to the earliest Indo-European times. The movement of the sun dictated the names for the points of the compass. The word EAST is derived from the verbal root aus-, “to shine,” as is the word for “dawn” (Latin Aurora), deified since Indo-European times on the evidence of Greek, Lithuanian, and Sanskrit. The setting sun furnished the word for “evening” and “west”: wes-pero-. The most widespread of the words for “night” was nekw-t-. Words for “day” include agh- and such dialectal creations as Latin dis. 62 The Indo-Europeans knew snow in their homeland; the word sneigwh- is nearly ubiquitous. Curiously enough, however, the word for “rain” varies among the different branches; we have words of differing distribution such as seu-2. 63 Conceptions of the sky, or heaven, are varied in the different descendant languages. Although, as we have seen, the root dyeu- occurs widely as the divine bright sky, certain languages viewed the heavens as basically cloudy; nebh- is “sky” in Balto-Slavic and Iranian, but “cloud” elsewhere. Another divine natural phenomenon is illustrated by the root (s)ten-, “thunder,” and the name of the Germanic god THOR. 64 A word for the earth can be reconstructed as dhghem- (*dheghom). Other terms of lesser distribution, like kaito-, designated forest or uncultivated land. Swampy or boggy terrain was apparently also familiar, judging from the evidence of the root pel-1. But since none of these runs through the whole family, it would not be justifiable to infer anything from them regarding the terrain of a hypothetical original homeland of the Indo-Europeans. 65 On the other hand, from the absence of a general word for “sea” we may deduce that the Indo-Europeans were originally an inland people. The root mori- is attested dialectally (MERE2), but it may well have referred to a lake or other smaller body of water. Transportation by or across water was, however, known to the Indo-Europeans, since most of the languages attest an old word for “boat” or “ship,” nu-, probably propelled by oars or a pole (er-, “to row”). 66 The names for a number of different trees are widely enough attested to be viewed as Proto-Indo-European in date. The general term for “tree” and “wood” was deru-. The original meaning of the root was doubtless “to be firm, solid,” and from it is derived not only the family of English TREE but also that of English TRUE. Note that the semantic evolution has here been from the general to the particular, from “solid” to “tree” (and even “oak” in some dialects), and not the other way around. 67 There are very widely represented words for the beech tree, bhgo-, and the birch, bherg-. These formerly played a significant role in attempts to locate the original homeland of the Indo-Europeans, since their distribution is geographically distinct. But their ranges may have changed over several millennia, and, more important, the same word may have been applied to entirely different species of tree. Thus the Greek and Latin cognates of BEECH designate a kind of oak found in the Mediterranean lands. 68 Indo-European had a generic term for “wild animal,” ghwer- (FERAL). The wolf was known and evidently feared; its name is subject to taboo deformation (the conscious alteration of the form of a tabooed word, as in English gol-derned, dad-burned). The variant forms wkwo-, *lupo-, and wp-- (also “fox”) are all found. The name of the bear was likewise subject to a hunter’s taboo: the animal could not be mentioned by its real name on the hunt. The southern Indo-European languages have the original form, tko- (Latin ursus, Greek arktos), but all the northern languages have a substitute term. In Slavic the bear is known as the “honey-eater,” in Germanic the “brown one” (BEAR2, and note also BRUIN). 69 The BEAVER was evidently known (*bhi-bhru-, from bher-2), at least in Europe, and the MOUSE (ms-) then as now was ubiquitous. The HARE, probably named from its color (kas-, “gray”), is also widespread. Domesticated animals are discussed below. 70 A generic term for “fish” existed, *dhgh- (also *peisk- in Europe). The salmon (laks-) and the eel (*angwi-) were known, the latter also in the meaning “snake.” Several birds were known, including the crane (ger-2) and the eagle (or-). The generic term for “bird” was awi- (Latin avis), and from this was derived the well-represented word for “egg,” *wyo-. 71 The names for a number of insects can be reconstructed in the protolanguage, including the WASP (*wops), the hornet (*ks-ro-, a derivative of ker-1, “head,” from the shape of the insect), and the fly (*m-). The BEE (bhei-) was particularly important as the producer of honey, for which we have the common Indo-European name melit- (MILDEW). Honey was the only source of sugar and sweetness (swd-, “sweet,” is ancient), and notably was the base of the only certain Indo-European alcoholic beverage, medhu-, which in different dialects meant both MEAD (“wine” in Greece and Anatolia) and “honey.” 72 People and Society. For human beings themselves, a number of terms were employed, with different nuances of meaning. The usual terms for “man” and “woman” are w-ro- (VIRILE) and *gwen- from gwen- (GYNECOLOGY). For “person” in general, the oldest word was apparently *manu- (man-1), as preserved in English MAN (nominative plural *manw-es, becoming Germanic *mann-iz, becoming Old English menn, MEN) and in Slavic and Sanskrit. A word for “woman” recently identified in Anatolian Luvian, *esr, combining form *-s(o)r-, formed the feminine of the numbers “three” and “four,” as well as appearing in swesor-, sister, and the Latin word for “wife.” The Germanic word for “woman” (WIFE) was completely isolated until a cognate was recently identified in Tocharian. For its curious semantic history, see ghwbh-. In other dialects we find interesting metaphorical expressions that attest a set of religious concepts opposing the gods as immortal and celestial to humankind as mortal and terrestrial. Humans are either *mtos, “mortal” (mer-, “to die”), or *dhghomyo-, “earthling” (dhghem-, “earth”). 73 The parts of the body belong to the basic layer of vocabulary and are for the most part faithfully preserved in Indo-European languages. Such are ker-1, “head” (also kaput- in dialects, doubtless a more colloquial word), genu-2, “chin, jaw,” dent-, “tooth,” okw-, “to see,” whence “eye,” ous-, “ear,” nas-, “nose,” leb-, “lip,” bhr-, “brow,” s-, “mouth,” and dgh-, “tongue.” The word for “foot” is attested everywhere (ped-), while that for “hand” differs according to dialect; the most widespread is *ghes-r (ghes-, CHIRO-). 74 Internal organs were also named in Indo-European times, including the heart (kerd-), womb (*gwelbh-), gall (ghel-2), and liver (ykw). The male sexual organs, pes- and *ergh-, are common patrimony, as is ors-, “backside.” 75 A large number of kinship terms have been reconstructed. They are agreed in pointing to a society that was patriarchal, patrilocal (the bride leaving her household to join that of her husband’s family), and patrilineal (descent reckoned by the male line). “Father” and “head of the household” are one: pter-, with his spouse, the mter-. These terms are ultimately derived from the baby-talk syllables pa(pa) and ma(ma), but the kinship-term suffix -ter- shows that they had a sociological significance over and above this in the Indo-European family. Related terms are found for the grandfather (awo-) and the maternal uncle (*awon-), and correspondingly the term nept- (feminine *nept-) applied to both grandson (perhaps originally “daughter’s son”) and nephew (“sister’s son”). English SON and DAUGHTER clearly reflect Indo-European *snu- (from seu-1) and dhugter-. 76 Male blood relations were designated as bhrter- (BROTHER), which doubtless extended beyond those with a common father or mother; the Greek cognate means “fellow member of a clan-like group.” The female counterpart was swesor- (SISTER), probably literally “female member of the kin group,” with a word for woman (*esr) and the root s(w)e-, designating the self, one’s own group. 77 While there exist many special terms for relatives by marriage on the husband’s side, like daiwer-, “husband’s brother,” fewer corresponding terms on the wife’s side can be reconstructed for the protolanguage. The terms vary from dialect to dialect, providing good evidence for the patrilocal character of marriage. 78 The root dem- denoted both the house (Latin domus) and the household as a social unit. The father of the family (Latin pater familias) was the “master of the house” (Greek despots) or simply “he of the house” (Latin dominus). A larger unit was the village, designated by the word weik-1. The community may have been grouped into divisions by location; this seems to be the basic meaning of the *d-mo- (from d-) in Greek dmos, people (DEMOCRACY). 79 Human settlements were frequently built on the top of high places fortified for defense, a practice taken by Indo-European migrants into central and western Europe and into Italy and Greece, as confirmed by archaeological finds. Words for such fortified high places vary; there are pel-3, variant *poli- (ACROPOLIS), the Celtic word for “ring fort,” *dh-no- (dheu-, TOWN), and bhergh-2 (-burg in place names). 80 Economic Life and Technology. A characteristic of Indo-European and other archaic societies was the principle of exchange and reciprocal gift-giving. The presentation of a gift entailed the obligation of a countergift, and the acts of giving and receiving were equivalent. They were simply facets of a single process of generalized exchange, which assured the circulation of wealth throughout the society. 81 This principle has left clear traces in the Indo-European vocabulary. The root d- of Latin dnre means “to give” in most dialects but in Hittite means “to take.” The root nem- is “to distribute” in Greek (NEMESIS), but in German it means “to take,” and the cognate of English GIVE (ghabh-) has the meaning “to take” in Irish. The notion of exchange predominates in the roots mei-1 and gher-2. The GUEST (ghos-ti-) in Indo-European times was the person with whom one had mutual obligations of hospitality. But he was also the stranger, and the stranger in an uncertain and warring tribal society may well be hostile: the Latin cognate hostis means “enemy.” The Indo-Europeans evidently practiced both ransom and enslavement of enemy captives: kemb-, “to exchange,” furnishes the Irish for “captive,” and the roots *algwh-, “to fetch a price,” and wes-3 , “to sell,” refer in the oldest texts to traffic in people, as does the root *des-. 82 The Indo-Europeans practiced agriculture and the cultivation of cereals. We have several terms of Indo-European antiquity for grain: g-no- (CORN), yewo-, and *pro-, which may have designated wheat or spelt. Of more restricted distribution is bhares-, “barley.” Such terms for cereals could originally have designated the wild rather than cultivated varieties. A root for grinding is attested, mel- (MEAL2, MILL). Another Indo-European term is s-, “to sow,” not found in Greek, Armenian, or Indo-Iranian. The verb “to plow” is *ar-, again a common European term, with the name of the plow, *ar-trom. Other related roots are yeug-, “to yoke,” and kerp-, “to gather, pluck” (HARVEST). The root gwer-1, “heavy,” is the probable base of *gwer-n-, “hand mill” (QUERN). The term is found throughout the Indo-European-speaking world, including India. 83 Stockbreeding and animal husbandry were an important part of Indo-European economic life. The names for all the familiar domesticated animals are present throughout the family: gwou-, “cow” and “bull,” owi-, “sheep,” *agwh-no-, “lamb,” s-, “swine,” and porko-, “farrow.” The domestic dog was ancient (kwon-). The common Indo-European name of the horse, ekwo-, is probably derived from the adjective ku-, “swift.” The expansion and migration of the Indo-European-speaking peoples in the later third and early second millennia B.C. is intimately bound up with the diffusion of the horse. The verbal root dem-, “to force,” acquired the special sense of “to tame horses,” whence English TAME. Stock was a source and measure of wealth; the original sense of peku- was probably “wealth, riches,” as in Latin pecunia, which came to mean “wealth in cattle” and finally “cattle” proper. 84 The verbal roots p-, “to protect,” and kwel-1, “to revolve, move around,” are widely used for the notion of herding or watching over stock, and it is interesting to note that the metaphor of the god or priest watching over humankind like a shepherd (Latin pstor) over his flock occurs in many Indo-European dialects as well as outside Indo-European. 85 Roots indicating a number of technical operations are attested in most of the languages of the family. One such is teks-, which in some dialects means “to fabricate, especially by working with an ax,” but in others means “to weave” (TEXTILE). The root dheigh-, meaning “to mold, shape,” is applied both to bread (DOUGH) and to mud or clay, whence words for both pottery and mud walls (Iranian *pari-daiza-, “walled around,” borrowed into Greek as the word that became English PARADISE.) 86 The house (dem-) included a dhwer- (DOOR), which probably referred originally to the gateway into the enclosure of the household. The house would have had a central hearth, denoted in some languages by as- (properly a verb, “to burn”). Fire itself was known by two words, one of animate gender (*egni-, Latin ignis) and one neuter (paw, Greek pr). 87 Indo-European had a verb “to cook” (pekw-, also having the notion “to ripen”). Other household activities included spinning ((s)n-), weaving (webh-), and sewing (sy-). The verb wes-2 (WEAR) is ancient and everywhere attested. 88 The Indo-Europeans knew metal and metallurgy, to judge from the presence of the word *ayes- in Sanskrit, Germanic, and Latin. The term designated copper and perhaps bronze. Iron is a latecomer, technologically, and the terms for it vary from dialect to dialect. Latin has ferrum, while the Germanic and Celtic term was *isarno-, properly “holy (metal),” from eis-, perhaps so called because the first iron was derived from small meteorites. Gold, ghel-2, also dialectally *aus-o-, probably “yellow (metal)” or “shining,” was known from ancient times, though the names for it vary. Silver was arg-, with various suffixes, doubtless meaning “white (metal).” 89 It was probably not long before the dispersal of the Proto-Indo-European community that the use of the wheel and wheeled transport was adopted. Despite the existence of widespread word families, most terms relating to wheeled vehicles seem to be metaphors formed from already existing words, rather than original, unanalyzable ones. So NAVE, or hub of the wheel (nobh-), is the same word as NAVEL. This is clearly the case with WHEEL itself, where the widespread *kw(e)-kwl-o- is an expressive derivative of a verb (kwel-1) meaning “to revolve or go around.” Other words for “wheel” are dialectal and again derivative, such as Latin rota from a verbal root ret-, “to run.” The root wegh-, “to go, transport in a vehicle” (WAGON), is attested throughout the family, including now Hieroglyphic Luvian. This evidence for the late appearance of the wheel agrees with archaeological findings that date the distribution of the wheel in Europe to the latter part of the fifth millennium B.C., the latest possible date for the community of Proto-Indo-European proper. 90 Ideology. We pointed out earlier that the great advantage of the lexicon as an approach to culture and history is that it is not confined to material remains. Words exist for natural phenomena, objects, and things that can be found in nature or identified from their material remains. But there are also words for ideas, abstractions, and relations. The Indo-European protolanguage is particularly rich in such vocabulary items. 91 A number of verbs denoting mental activity are found. The most widespread is men-1, preserved in English MIND. Other derivatives refer to remembering, warning (putting in mind), and thinking in general. A root notable for the diversity of its derivatives is med-, which may be defined as “to take the appropriate measures.” Reflexes of this verb range in meaning from “rule,” through “measure” (MODICUM, from Latin), to “physician” (Latin medicus). 92 The notions of government and sovereignty were well represented. The presence of the old word for tribal king, *reg- (reg-), only in the extreme east (RAJAH) and the extreme west (Latin rx, Celtic -rx) virtually guarantees its presence in the earliest Indo-European society. (Here is an example of the phenomenon of marginal or peripheral conservation of a form lost in the central innovating area.) Roman tradition well attests the sacral character of kingship among the Indo-Europeans. The functions of king and priest were different aspects of a single function of sovereignty. It is this that is symbolized by the divine name *dyeu-pter- (dyeu-), the chief of the gods. 93 Another aspect of the function of sovereignty is the sphere of the law. There is an old word, yewes-, probably for “religious law,” in Latin is. Latin lx is also ancient (leg- or legh-), though the details of its etymology are uncertain. In a society that emphasized the principle of exchange and reciprocity, it is scarcely surprising that the notion of contractual obligation should be well represented. Several roots specify the notion of “bond”: bhendh-, ned-, and leig-, all of which have derivatives with technical legal meanings in various languages. The root dlegh- furnishes Germanic words meaning “to engage oneself” (PLEDGE), as well as the Irish word for “law.” The verb kwei-1 meant “to pay compensation for an injury.” Its derivative noun *kwoin was borrowed from Doric Greek into the most ancient Roman law as Latin poena and pnre, whence English PUNISH and a host of legal terms. The Greek word for “justice,” dik, is derived from the notion of “boundary marker” (deik-). 94 Indo-European is particularly rich in religious vocabulary. An important form, which is also found only in the peripheral languages Sanskrit, Latin, and Celtic, is the two-word metaphoric phrase *kred-dh-, literally “to put (dh-) heart (kerd-).” The two words have been joined together in the western languages, as in Latin crd, “I believe.” Here a term of the most ancient pagan religion has been taken over by Christianity. A common word for religious “formulation,” *bhregh-men-, may be preserved in Brahmin, a member of the priestly class, from Sanskrit, although the etymology is controversial. 95 Oral prayers, requests of the deity, and other ritual utterances must have played a significant role in Indo-European religion. We have already seen prek- (PRAY), and note also the roots *wegwh- (in Latin vovre, to vow), sengwh- (SING), and gwer-2, which in Latin grtia (GRACE) has had a new life in Christianity. 96 The root spend- has the basic meaning of “to make an offering or perform a rite,” whence “to engage oneself by a ritual act.” Its Latin derivative spondre means “to promise” (SPOUSE). 97 A hint of Indo-European metaphysics appears in the word aiw-, “vital force,” whence “long life, the eternal re-creation of life, eternity” (EON). It is noteworthy that the idea of “holy” is intimately bound up with that of “whole, healthy,” in a number of forms: kailo- (WHOLE and HOLY) and sol-, whence Latin salvus (SALVATION). An ancient root relating solely to religion is sak- (SACRED). 98 Finally we may add that poetry and a tradition of poetics are also common patrimony in most of the Indo-European traditions. The hymns of the Rig-Veda are composed in meters related to those used by the Greek poets, and the earliest verse forms found among the Celts and the Slavs go back to the same Indo-European source. Many, perhaps most, of the stylistic figures and embellishments of poetic language that we associate with “classical” poetics and rhetoric can be shown, by the comparative method, to have their roots in Indo-European poetics itself. 99 A number of metaphorical expressions appear to be creations of ancient, even Indo-European date. Latin terra, “earth” (TERRAIN), is historically a transferred epithet, “dry (land),” from ters-, “to dry,” whose English descendant is THIRST. One securely reconstructible Indo-European place name rests squarely on a metaphor: *Pwer-i in Greek Peri (PIERIAN SPRING) and *wer-ion-, the prehistoric Celtic name for Ireland (Gaelic Éire, Érin); both continue an Indo-European feminine adjective *pwer-i, “fat,” metaphorically “fertile,” from pei-, the same root that gives English FAT. 100 Most interesting are the cases where it is possible to reconstruct from two or more traditions (usually including Homer and the Rig-Veda) a poetic phrase or formula consisting of two members. Such are the expressions “imperishable fame,” *klewos dhgwhitom (kleu-, *dhgwhei-); “holy (mental) force,” *isrom menos (eis-, men-1); and the “weaver (or crafter) of words,” the Indo-European poet himself, *wekwm teks-on (wekw-, teks-). The immortality of the gods (*-mto-, from mer-) is emphasized anew by the vivid verb phrase nek-1 ter-2, “to overcome death,” appearing in the Greek word nektar, the drink of the gods. And at least one three-member formula (in the sense of the word in traditional oral poetry) can be reconstructed for the poetic language of prayer, on the combined evidence of four languages, Latin, Umbrian, Avestan, and Sanskrit: “Protect, keep safe, man and cattle!” (p- w-ro- peku). 101 Conclusion This survey has touched on only a representative sample of the available reconstructed Indo-European lexicon and has made no attempt to cite the mass of evidence in all the languages of the family, ancient and modern, for these reconstructions. 102 For this essay, we have given only the information about Indo-European culture that could be derived from language and lexicon alone. Other disciplines serve to fill out and complete the picture to be gathered from the study of vocabulary: archaeology, prehistory, comparative religion, and the history of institutions. 103 Archaeologists have not in fact succeeded in locating the Indo-Europeans. An artifact other than a written record is silent on the language of its user, and prehistoric Eurasia offers an abundant choice of culture areas. Archaeologists are generally agreed that the so-called Kurgan peoples, named after the Russian word for their characteristic “barrow” or “tumulus” grave structure, spoke an Indo-European language. The correlation between the Kurgan cultural features described by archaeologists and the Indo-European lexicon is striking: for example, small tribal units (teut-) ruled by powerful chieftains (reg-), a predominantly pastoral (p-) economy including horse (ekwo-) breeding (dem-) and plant cultivation (yewo-), and architectural features such as a small subterranean or aboveground rectangular hut (*dom-, dem-) of timber uprights (*kli-t-, klei-, and *stu-t-, st-, still with us in English STUD). 104 Sometime around the middle of the fifth millennium B.C., these people expanded from the steppe zone north of the Black Sea and beyond the Volga into the Balkans and adjacent areas. These Kurgan peoples bore a new mobile and aggressive culture into Neolithic Europe, and it is not unreasonable to associate them with the coming of the Indo-Europeans. But the Kurgan peoples’ movement into Europe took place in distinct waves from the fifth to the third millennium B.C. The earliest so far discovered might be compatible with a reasonable date for Proto-Indo-European, that is, a date sufficiently long ago for a single language to develop into forms as divergent as Mycenaean Greek and Hittite as they are historically attested by the middle of the second millennium B.C. But the subsequent Kurgan immigrations, after 4000 B.C., are too late to be regarded as incursions of speakers of undifferentiated Proto-Indo-European. The archaeological evidence for the later waves of Kurgan migrations points to their having had an Indo-European culture, but the languages spoken by the later Kurgan peoples must have been already differentiated Indo-European dialects, some of which would doubtless evolve into some of the historical branches of the family tree. We must be content to recognize the Kurgan peoples as speakers of certain Indo-European languages and as sharing a common Indo-European cultural patrimony. The ultimate “cradle” of the Indo-Europeans may well never be known, and language remains the best and fullest evidence for prehistoric Indo-European society. It is the comparative method in historical linguistics that can illumine not only ancient ways of life but also ancient modes of thought. The American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition. Copyright © 2000 by Houghton Mifflin Company. Published by the Houghton Mifflin Company. All rights reserved.

  2. #2 giorgiodieffe 29 de abr. 2005

    Lo ultimo de los Kurganes no es "en linea" con las ultimas investigacciones...

  3. #3 A.M.Canto 30 de abr. 2005

    Me parece de gran interés, Giorgio, la opinión de G. Semenaro, gracias por recordarla. El eurocentrismo o "euroombliguismo" ha sido muy dañino para el planeta en términos económicos, ya que Europa lleva 500 años viviendo como una reina a costa de chupar la sangre de los demás pueblos del globo. Pero también en el ámbito cultural, si bien exportó muchos beneficios (más bien en primer lugar para uso y disfrute de sus propios colonos), ella contribuyó a oscurecer los méritos de todos los demás continentes, en especial del Próximo y Medio Oriente, al que le debemos mucho más de lo que normalmente se reconoce. De hecho, casi todo lo que se enseña en Historia y Arqueología gira en torno a las zonas más inmediatas a esta verdadera "bacinilla" (en términos de escala planetaria) que es el Mediterráneo. Veo difícil que estas opiniones se acaben reconociendo, al menos en términos de una mínima autocrítica y revisión de cómo nacieron determinadas teorías, en qué contexto historico, a quién servían y cómo se aceptaron y transmitieron. Pero es muy bueno echar la "semilla" (nunca mejor dicho..), que en alguna tierra buena también caerán. La pena es que él tenga 94 años, si no deja discípulos combativos, esa línea de trabajo crítico se acabará perdiendo.

  4. #4 PIEDRA 30 de abr. 2005

    Mientras no se caiga tampoco en el " euromasoquismo ",...

  5. #5 Euskera 30 de abr. 2005

    ¿INDOEUROPEÍSMO O VASCOEUROPEÍSMO? Esa es la cuestión que nuevamente nos presenta (tante grazzie Giorgiodiffe) nuevamente el sabio lingüista italiano Giovanni Semerano. Para mí será un nuevo referente, como lo es parcialmente Theo Venneman. Ellos dos han roto con el mito-invento del indoeuropeísmo, éste susurrando el vascoeuropeísmo de la toponimia general de Europa y aquél declarando la influencia decisiva del sumero-acadio en la cultura y lenguas del Mediterraneo. Estoy completamente de acuerdo con ellos en lo señalado, como lo declaré hace tres años en el estudio de “La onomástica, oído de la prehistoria”(p. 145): “La Unión Europea que se está gestando, no se perfeccionará hasta que encuentre las raíces que la unieron desde antiguo con la primera cultura neolítica y hasta que reconozca, sobre el indoeropeísmo tardío el europeísmo de la cultura neolítica mediterranea que la entronca directamente con el Antiguo Oriente Medio y Norte-África”. Llegaba a esa conclusión después de examinar la toponimia y los arquetipos de lengua del vascuence e incluso su sintaxis. Un día regañé (escussi) en algún título de nuestro Foro “no sé cómo los italianos no han logrado todavía descifrar el etrusco” y creo que les ofrecía la ayuda de la hermenúetica del vascuence. El desgraciado olvido de la desapacición de las lenguas achacaba al glotocentrismo romano que fue allanando el camino del imperio mandando al “erebo” a las lenguas vernáculas, como lo han hecho los tardo-imperios europeos, mal llamado “cristianos”. A ellos, a los hijos del Imperio, les dedico el siguiente estudio “Vascuence, inconsciente colectivo”. En cuanto a los urdidores “estudiso-políticos” de la hipótesis “de tavolino” del INDOEUROPEÍMSO les acuso de haber relegado al vascuence al “cuarto oscuro” de lengua desconocida sin padre ni madre que la reconociera, por lo que protesté en el estudio de “Origen y desarrollo del lenguaje (según el vascuence)” (p. 137): “el vascuence conoce mejor que las lenguas clásicas y las actuales de su entorno la historia de su origen, porque la tiene gravada en la audición de sus voces significantes y en el entramado de sus estructuras de cuerpo general del lenguaje”. Es de celebrar que otros autores convengan a las mismas conclusioenes por otros medios. El mío ha sido el mitoanálisis, (también método comparativo): he comparado la mitología sumero-acadia-babilónico mas la egipcia y ugarítica con los relatos míticos vascos, la toponimia, pero particularmente con la memoria misma del vascuence, he excaminado los escritos sapienciales de aquellos pueblos con los sapienciales orales de nuestro pueblo, para afirmar la conexión mesopotámica del vascuence y con él de toda la cultura lingüística de Europa. Gracias nuevamente a G. Semerano y a su presentador Giorgiodifle, porque nos ayudan a respirar aire puro y ver la luz a los castigados al cuarto oscuro. Otro día hablaremos de otras apreciaciones del sabio lingüista.

  6. #6 giorgiodieffe 30 de abr. 2005

    Yo creo solo una cosa...si el hitita es a la base de muchas lenguas sucesivas, como ahora van diciendo muchos...algo habrà antes del hitita, que lo infuenzò...la proposta del acadico y del sumer es interesante... pero tenemos que tener distintos los dos...las lenguas semiticas y no semiticas, porqué si no no se comprenderia mas nada

  7. #7 giorgiodieffe 30 de abr. 2005

    Piedra: no es cuestion de euromasoquismo :-) Acà hablamos de raices, no del presente

  8. #8 giorgiodieffe 30 de abr. 2005

    El problema es que ningun puede tener razon totalmente y que, segun mi, muchas interpretaciones de Semerano podrian ser no correctas. A.M. CANTO... no te preocupe Alicia, que Semerano no es un desconocido sin alievos... http://www.swif.uniba.it/lei/recensioni/crono/2003-03/semerano.htm http://lgxserver.uniba.it/lei/rassegna/000429d.htm http://www.laretedeimovimenti.it/topo/semerano http://www.italica.rai.it/principali/schede/libri/ilpopolochesconfisselamorte.htm http://www.consiglio.regione.toscana.it/Informazione/pubblicazioni/tcr/2001/010718_numero_09/06_targa_dargento_al_filologo_giovanni_semerano.asp y es un poquito el idolo de los izquierdistas extremos, que, segun mi no han comprendido que el pasado no encaja col presente... http://www.ilmanifesto.it/g8/dopogenova/3e5f865131b32.html

  9. #9 giorgiodieffe 30 de abr. 2005

    http://members.xoom.virgilio.it/Farf/riflessetr.htm http://www.ex-art.it/magazine/libri02/librinarrativa15.htm

  10. #10 giorgiodieffe 30 de abr. 2005

    Esto es un forum muy interesante http://64.233.183.104/search?q=cache:AdFYp_ZbsQ4J:www.celticworld.it/phorum/read.php%3F4,22927,24117+giovanni+semerano&hl=it

  11. #11 silmarillion 30 de abr. 2005

    Giorgio..... por fortuna que hay un fin de semana por delante para leer todos esos artículos que recomiendas... :) el artículo de semerano muy interesante, el texto de calvert watkins es a fines de exponer una opinión contrapuesta.

  12. #12 giorgiodieffe 30 de abr. 2005

    jajaja por cierto... y nunca he dicho que semerano tenga razon completa...no seria humano... quando uno si dedica anima e corpo allo studio di una lingua, vede quella lingua ovunque :-)

  13. #13 Euskera 30 de abr. 2005

    URRITIZACIÓN DE LOS HATTI (hititas): Interesa efectivamente los antecedentes de la cultura hática (o de los atti), ya que el dialecto hático que se originó en Anatolia fue luego el alma mater del griego clásico. René Lebrun habla de la HURRITIZACIÓN DE LOS HATTI en dos artículos en el (Diccionario de las Religiones, Ed. Herder): Los hurritas fueron una etnia atestiguada desde la época presargónica en Urkish de la Alta Mesopotamia desde 2200 a.C., así como en otras ciudades, como Ur, Mari, Alepo, Karkemix. También fueron numeroso en Kizzuwatna. Este enclave del sudeste anatolio estaba formado por luvitas en Oeste y por hurritas se agrupaban Noroeste, alrededro de lo santuarios de Kummani, Lawazantiya y Manuziya, que ejercieron una influencia determinante en la evolución religiosa hitita. La anexión de Kizuvatna al imperio hitita, llevada a cabo por Suppiluliuma I, fue un paso importante hacia la hurritización de de la religión oficial hitita. Este proceso se aceleró más con el matrimoniode Hattusil III con la princesa kizzuwatna Pudu-hepa que reforzó esta tendencia hasta el punto de que los grandes dioses hitita llegaran a ser designados por su nombre hurrita. Muchos de los ritos mágicos tienen su origen en el ámbito kizzuvatno. La creación de ciudades vasallas en Siria del Norte por el rey Suppiluliuma I (1380-1348) favorecieron la intrusión masiva de los dioses hurritas en el panteón hitita y la hurritización de la vida cultural. Los hurritas tuvieron una función determinante en el seno del mundo hitita hasta el final el imperio. Pueblo refinado, sirvió de intermediario entre el mundo babilónico y el hitita”. Téngae en cuenta que la lengua de los ritos mesopotámicos e hititas siguía siendo el sumerio (ya fenecido como lengua viva), seguramente por la fuerza mágica atribuída a la lengua original de los rituales, tal como sucediera más tarde con el latín vulgar del imperio en la iglesia católica. Esta influencia a través de la religión interfiere directamente en la lengua y la mente del mundo religioso, de tal maneara que en la apreciación del comparatista de las religiones Max Müller, el estudio de las religiones es el aprendizage de las lenguas que ellos emplearon para hablar con sus dioses.

  14. #14 A.M.Canto 30 de abr. 2005

    Confieso mi ignorancia acerca de los muchos discípulos de Semerano, y me quedo más tranquila acerca de su herencia científica. A propósito de la reflexión de Euskera, he pensado poner algo sobre el origen de todas las culturas: la serpiente civilizadora sumeria, Oanes. Pero como se sale algo del tema, lo pongo en artículo nuevo.

  15. #15 giorgiodieffe 01 de mayo de 2005

    La origen de los sumerios es desconocida. Por cierto no eran semitas.

  16. #16 giorgiodieffe 01 de mayo de 2005

    http://www.miti3000.org/index.htm?http://www.miti3000.org/ittiti_sumeri.htm I Sumeri scesi probabilmente dall'Iran, erano stati senza dubbio in relazione con popoli altaici, dato che la loro lingua presenta isoglosse lessicali, grammaticali e fonetiche con lingue altaiche, turaniche; nelle tombe, inoltre, appaiono teschi di tipo mediterraneo, di tipo armenoide e di tipo mongoloide.

  17. #17 A.M.Canto 01 de mayo de 2005

    Giorgio: Ya está el artículo colgado, quedáis invitados a visitarlo, aunque no he tenido tiempo de buscarle mejores imágenes: http://www.celtiberia.net/articulo.asp?id=1270 Algo que siempre me gustó de estos sumerios, en efecto, no semitas, son las curiosas falditas de los reyes, tan parecidas a los volantes de las bailarinas andaluzas. ¿No es un apasionante parecido?

  18. #18 Dingo 01 de mayo de 2005

    "Se ha tratado de relacionar la lengua sumeria con la elamita sobre la base de la similitud entre la terminación de los nombres personales que suele ser una sílaba repetida en elamita: Silhaha, Kunene, Hilulu, Nabubu, etc. y sumerio: Bunene, Zababa, Kubaba, Inana, Igigi, Aruru, etc. Esta característica también existe en egipcio para formar los diminutivos hdqq 'rata', hprr 'escarabajo' y en bereber. Pero también se ha intentado formular la relación genética del sumerio con el dravídico y formando parte de una macro-familia lingüística junto con el caucásico septentrional, yeniseico, burushaski, sino-tibetano, etc. además de relacionarlo con la familia afroasiática" http://www.proel.org/mundo/sumerio.htm Martu es la autodenominación de los sumerios, y Ki-Enguir el nombre que daban a su país. Shumerum el nombre que darían los akkadios al país (como en tantas ocasiones, un pueblo ha quedado registrado en la memoria histórica con el nombre que la daba otro).

  19. #19 silmarillion 01 de mayo de 2005

    Dice Euskera " URRITIZACIÓN DE LOS HATTI (hititas)" Entiendo que hattis e hititas no son lo mismo. Los hititas tomaron de los hattis, el hattico es sustrato del hitita.

  20. #20 Dingo 01 de mayo de 2005

    Mira, otro caso, que trae a colación Silmarillion. La autodenominación de los hititas era "nes", y "nesili" llamaban a su lengua. El nombre de hititas lo recibieron por ocupar el solar de los hatti, pueblo no indoeuropeo.

  21. #21 torances 01 de mayo de 2005

    Leia que la escritura accadica o sumeriana revela que su lengua era no aria no semita si no turania, ¿se puede rastrear ésta escritura cuneiforme fuera de las áreas de asdcripición de éstos pueblos?

  22. #22 Euskera 02 de mayo de 2005

    ¿TIENEN EL SARDO Y EL SUMERICO ALGO EN COMÚN? ¿Y el sumerio y el vascuence? añado yo. Por supuesto, y mucho más de lo que se puede colegir de una reducida onomástica. Me atengo, no obstante a algunos ejemplos aducidos y distingo (s) sumerio, (sa) sardo, (v) vascuence: KARRAXIU (sa) “desorden”, KARRASU (s) “desorden”, KARRASI “grito, crugido” (Véase la analogía sicológica) KOKKOI (sa), KUKKU (s), OGI(v) “pan” (Derivación con identidd semántica)/ “KUKKURU (sa) “monte alto” KUR.KUR.RU (s), KUKUR (v) “cresta”. Son derivaciones de EKUR (s) “santuario de monte, como EKURMENDI (v) en KORONGIU (sa), KURUNNU (s) “CORONA de piedras o CRONlech”, de EKUR+N (caso superlativo) que da GUREN (v) “lo más sagrado, alto”/ SU.LI.NA (s) “perteneciente al sol”=SOLANA, y por analogía, añado yo, SOLEMNE y TXOLIN (v) “alegrillo, borracho”. Dice Giovanni Semerano que “cada palabra es un mito, que originariamente, “mito” significa “palabra” y que cada palabra tiene su propia dinámica creatriz”. Efectivamnte, y así UTUKKU(s) “ángel guardián”=hijo de UTU “sol” y TUKU (v) “celo”, que, invertidos los aquetipos, es KUTO (gr) “eskudo”, KUTU+N(v) “amuleto que defiende al niño de pecho=el más celador”. Derivado de UTUKKU>UDUG (s) “ángel guardián”, se analogiza para designar “perro guardián”=DOG/DOGO y también al jefe militar DUX/DOGO romano-veneciano. Otra humanización de UTU es SHEDU(s) “ángel guardián” de donde XEDE(v) “límite, designio”, KUSU (acad) “vigilante de UTU “sol” a su paso por el infierno”, KUSO (v) “espantajo” de donde KUSI/IKUSI (v) “ver, observadocu. Y Marduk, el rey acadio endiosado tiene entre sus muchos títulos (Poema babilónico de la Creación, c. VII) el de BARASHAKUSHU (s) que suena a BARATZAKUSU (v) “vigilante del huerto”. Esto es sólo una muestra de la influenca o parentesco del sumero-acadio con el fondo de la cultura prelatina en Europa.

  23. #23 Euskera 02 de mayo de 2005

    INDOEUROPEÍSMO/ DUMÉZIL Y SUS FLÁMINES: También el INDOEROPEÍSMO ha tenido sus flámines de entre los que en etnografía destaca DUMÉZIL. La crítica que le hace G. Semerano a propósito de la etimología que hace de “Quirinus”, me anima también a mí. La mayor aportación de DUMÉZIL consiste en que “descubrió” en el trío de las divinidades romanas Júpiter, Marte y Quirino las tres funciones de la a) alta dirección, b) servicio militar y c) el servicio agrícola en que se distribuía también el panteón de la sociedad brahamánica. Para ello, no duda en hacer derivar FLAMEN de BRAHMAN, sin que le importe el trueque de arquetipos divinos, L por R, semita y egipcio respectivamente, cuando lo más obvio sería que FLAMEN derivara de VELAMEN “vestido” por lo que se distinguían los sacerdotes de las divinidades señaladas. De ellos dice M. Meslin en el Dic. de la Religiones, ya señalado, que “la antigüedad de esta institución se refleja en sus especiales vestidos rituales (gorro puntiagudo hecho de la piel de una víctima sacrifical, toga de lana virgen tejida por su propia esposa) (...) En el imperio, y por asimilación a estos sacerdotes, tan prestigiosos como antiguos, se crearon unos flámimes para ofrecer un culto a los emperadores divinizados, entre los que el flamen de Augusto fue el de la dignidad más elevada”. Todo esto viene a decir que Roma creaba l religión y los sacerdotes que le sirvieran, es decir, hacía magas y capirotes de los sayos de alguna casta de sacerdotes que vió en alguna parte de su imperio y le pareció los más adecuados para recalcar “la antigüedad” y por lo tanto “la mayor autenticidad” de su religión oficial, frente a tras disgregadoras, puesto al servicio del imperio. Meslin sigue hablando de los tabúes a que estaban obligados los FLÁMINES, y algunos de los dichos tabúes ya habían perdido el sentido para los mismos romanos, concluye “de casi de todos ellos (flámines) ignoramos la clase de culto que rendían a su divinidad propia”. Roma, cuando quería riquezas los acopiaba, sin pedir prestado y, cuando quería reformar la religión al servicio del imperio, lo hacía sin escrúpulos religosos, ni respeto a los dioses de las diversas nacionalidades. No es de extrañar, pues, que DUMÉZIL haga el salto mortal de la India e Irán hasta Italia, sin reparar en la cuenca mesopotámica y su cultura secular y sin medir las distancias mediterraneas de lenguas y culturas. Roma hace de Martu, dios mesopotamio, protector del agro, como lo fuera Marte en la Galia, el dios de la guerra y a los gurus o augures del ekur “santuario de monte”, “los defensores de los castros” que construyó en sus sumbres, por el gran dominio y visivilidad que ofrecían. Creo que Roma no engañó al pueblo, más bien, el pueblo toleró las imposiciones del imperio, pero siguió la práctica de su devociones religiosas, como el de los Lares, etc. Lo que no debe hacer Roma es engañar a un buen crítico de la historia, cultura y lengua.

  24. #24 ausesken2 02 de mayo de 2005

    No sabía yo que la India estaba en Europa, lo digo por la acusación de "eurocentrismo" a la lingüística INDOeuropea. Aparte de estas descalificaciones fáciles, típicas de toda pseudoteoría que se precie, lo que hace el profesor del que estáis hablando es simplemente comparaciones superficiales entre palabras que se parecen por simple casualidad, sin ningún otro argumento. Nada que ver con la labor de los lingüístas a los que se denosta, que realizaron una labor verdaderamente seria y profunda y realmente crítica de comparación de las lenguas indoeuropeas y de reconstrucción de una hipotética lengua indoeuropea que, a pesar de ser hipotética, no por eso no ha existido. Para eso sirve la ciencia, para darnos a conocer cosas de las que no tenemos experiencia directa (los grandes dinosaurios que existieron antes que nosotros o las partículas subatómicas). Lo demás es pura charlatanería, sensacionalismo y afán de notoriedad. Lo siento pero encuentro realmente lamentable que estas niñerías tengan crédito en personas con un cierto nivel cultural. Un saludo a todos.

  25. #25 Dingo 02 de mayo de 2005

    A pesar de ciertos excesos de su mensaje (dejémonos de aludir a los niveles culturales y títulos académicos, ya sea para adular o para atacar sirviéndose de ellos, y limitémonos a discutir los temas en cuestión, niñerías o no, pienso yo vamos), lo cierto es que estoy básicamente de acuerdo con él. La indoeuropea es una familia que se ha ido construyendo sobre estudios sólidos, hay familias lingüísticas por el planeta bastante menos fiables que ésta. Para tirarla abajo hay que argumentar y hacerlo convincentemente, y dejarse de que si eurocentrismos que si Oriente es el origen de la cultura que si mucha paja y demagogia que nada tiene que ver. Yo creo que el verdadero reto y el interés de la cuestión indoeuropea hoy día, más que la búsqueda de una lengua indoeuropea primigenia, consiste en investigar el proceso por el que estas afinidades lingüísticas llegaron a expandirse desde Portugal hasta la India. Que el interés por las lenguas indoeuropeas y sus conexiones se desarrollase primitivamente en ambientes políticos más o menos eurocentristas no anula el valor de los muchísimos estudios hechos hasta hoy. Y por cierto, hay muchos "-centrismos" y muchas "-filias" diversos, es está claro, y personalmente la "orientofilia" ya la he conocido en varios autores, sea en temas de lingüística u otros, así que ojito con salir de Ramala para entrar en Raigual o Rapeor. Lo único que tengo claro es la suma facilidad con que la política y las impresiones subjetivas se cuelan en las teorías científicas y las orientan.

  26. #26 Dingo 02 de mayo de 2005

    Cuando digo que estoy bastante de acuerdo con él, me refiero claro a ausesken2

  27. #27 Euskera 03 de mayo de 2005

    UNIVERSIDAD y LINGÜÍSTICA (Lo que G. Semerano piensa de la) “Las academias y las universidades son instituciones que tardan a tomar ideas nuevas...tambien cuando solamente se trata de abrir un debate sobre las mismas, puede ser por confutarlas. Este es el linde primero: son instituciones limitadas”. La Universidad se constituye como un estado de poder por impartir cultura. Se organiza con leyes propias. Si, como alumno, presentas una novedad, que haría remover las sillas u obligara a más de uno a un nuevo doctorado, ¿acaso alguien se animaría? No hay como la estabilidad del personal, las relaciones cómodas entre las diversas areas. Presenté la tesis “Vascuence y Mitoanálisis” y no había profesor que lo admitiera, el uno, porque no sabía vascuence, el otro, porque le resbalaban los mitos. El profe más entendido en el asunto me dijo “Mire, no hay en toda España un profesor que te admita esto”. Me adviertieron, además, lo del método, es decir, que si tu no sigues el camino-método que ellos han andado y saben, te pueden acompañar cómodos, no si vienes con novedades. También mi método es comparatista, como lo es la teoría del indoeuropeísmo, con la salvedad de que yo presentaba cien a una de puntos de comparación. Puedes tener fuertes razones, pero el estamento no se mueve. En esto la Universidad se parece a Estado Constitucional que lede los derechos de las minorías en razón (razón de estado) de solidaridad o uniformidad estable. ¿Es que en la Universidad no se investiga sobre Lingüística? Según, J. Vidal (“Mito” Dic. Rel, 1205-10) “Mientras la costumbre continúa descalificando al mito como fábula y ficción, sociólogos, etnógrafos, antropólogos, psicólogos, filósofos e historiadores de las religiones escrutan sus mensajes enigmáticos”. En este recuento de investigadores no entran los lingüistas. Agunos filólogos hacen mitoanálisis literarios, pero lo que es sobre el mito vivo que es la lengua, no dan golpe. Para ello tendrían que empezar a desmontar un edificio mental que tiene unos apoyos hipotéticos. Prefieren mantenerse sobre planos hipotéticos que edificar sobre roca viva. Pogamos por ejemplo la etimología de la palabra GUERRA. La Real Academia dice que viene del germano WERRA “querella”, por aquello de indoeuropeísmo, naturalmente. No se quedan a explicar la mutación del arquetipo G por B/W. Pero lo tenían más fácil, si advertido la “Epopeya de Erra o Guirra” de la época acádica, dios que quiso arrasar “erre” y puso en llamas “gar” a Babilonia. Por lo que GUIRRA/GUERRA es la humanización de ERRA/RA, dios egipcio, es decir, “hijo de Erra”, como lo es ARES en Grecia en otra composición de arquetipos. También podían haber mirado de reojo al vascuence y leer “Emakume ederra, etxean guerra/mujer hermosa, guerra en casa”. ¿Por qué habían de tener algún complejo, cuando la fórmula de lengua GARRA/GUERRA “llama/guerra” es la manifestación del mismo fenómeno babilónico? Que ellos los “sabios” indoeuropeístas, los etimólogos reales ¿hicieron lo que pudieron en su tiempo? Sí, pero que vayan corrigiendo los herrores cometidos.

  28. #28 okeanos 03 de mayo de 2005

    Una cosa es que no haya existido un idioma Indoeuropeo y otra es que multitud de lenguas que han estado relacionadas por vinculos de sustrato, superestrato y adstratos a lo largo de siglos, si no milenios, no hayan dejado un legado común. Que el lituano, el sanscrito y el tocario tengan semejanzas en general no significa que tengan un ascendiente común (del tipo de padres) aunque si muchos ascendientes indirectos comunes (tios, primos, tio-abuelos, etc)

  29. #29 Euskera 07 de mayo de 2005

    De EREBO a ORUBE (Anotaciones a la onomástica de G. Semerano): Partiendo del Oriente el EREBO es el “Occidente, tinieblas, infierno” donde ERRA “sol egipcio” se hunde en la parte “baja” BE del EREBO y que en cada ocaso y aurora sufre la acometida de RAAB el monstruo infernal o el Erensuge “serpiente de Ra” que el héroe sortea con arte. Son, por la tanto, son nombres míticos acordados según los arquetipos RA+BA divino y humano respectivamente. EUROPA, si bien está en el Occidente, no es el EREBO infernal, sino un “solar” ORUBE que emerge de la mar, cuyo fondo pertenece al EREBO. ORUBE/ORUBIA se compone de ORU “solar”+BE “bajo” y es topónimo ordinario y deriva EURABE, EURIBEA en Alava y EUROPA en Bizkaia en todas ellas con el significado de “solar” o “dominio del sol abajo en la tierra”. Esa es la EUROPA que colonizaron las gentes de Antiguo Próximo Oriente desde el primer imperio sumerio en adelante.

  30. #30 Euskera 18 de mayo de 2005

    De ASIA y ÁFRICA (Anotaciones a la onomástica de G. Semerano) Al territorio que ocupaban los atti se le llamó ASIA. Es la Península de Anatolia de intrincados “pasos” ATE de montaña, de puertos como ATAlía y el estrecho “TARTE” de DARDAnelos. Era/es la “puerta” ATE de Europa, por una parte y del ASIA conntinental, por otra. En toponimia ATE deriva>ATXA>ASA/AZA. AFRICA toma el nombre del “valle” ABAR/IBAR del Nilo que le dió vida y renombre. UBAR.TUTU “valle elevado, defendido” fué villa antidiluviana en Sumer. UBAR+ATE “puerta del valle” deriva en EUFRATE en fonética griega. AFRICA se deriva de ABARRIKA>ABARKA>APRIKA>AFRICA, según las formas que subsisten en la toponimia. La variante de ABAR/IBAR procede de ABAY/IBAI “Nilo Azul/rio” (etíope/vasco) respectivamente y persiste en formas como ABARRIA/IBARRE, ABAR/IBAR, ABARRAGA/IBARRAGA, etc. Se compone de ABAR “valle” + KA “casa, habitación”, derivación de ésta de EKUA sumerio, que recuerda también el OKIA griego. De UBAR deriva UBUR “rio infernal” sumero-acadio, de donde IBURNI “infierno” en vascuence y AVERNU latino. De IBAR deriva también IPAR “norte”, por los grandes valles europeos a en él, Mar del Norte, desembocan.

  31. #31 rcg873 18 de dic. 2005

    hola chavales, me encanta la ciencia ficción, pero no se debe mezclar con las pruebas que nos llevan hacia otro lugar: el indoeropeo existió sin lugar a dudas, y es posible que procediera de la zona del cáucaso, se extendió a través de europa, Norte del subcontinente indio(desplazando así a las lenguas drávicas hacia el sur), y zonas de la China actual. Para haber llegado a determinar todo esto, se han basado sobre todo en las lenguas actuales y en las ya extinguidas. Estas lenguas muestran similitud léxica y gramatical, si bien en la actualidad es difícil que se establezca una comunicación entre cualquier hablante de lengua indoeuropea actual, sorprende la familiaridad de palabras familiares o de los 3 primeros números por ejm: Español: uno, dos, tres. Inglés: one, two, three. Ruso: odin, doa, tri. Griego: ena, dio, tris. Bengalí: ek, doi, tin. Bretón: unan, daou, tri. Lituano: viens, du, trys. Ahora estos mismos números en otros troncos lingüísticos: Bantú: emu,bili,satu (uno, dos, tres). Nahuatl: ce, ome, yei. Arabe: wahad, tnan, talata. vasco: bat, bi, iru. Chino: yi, ni, san. Indonesio: satu, dua, tiga. Se apreciará que las coincidencias -Bantú: bili, Vasco: bi "dos"- sólo se pueden atribuir a la casualidad o al préstamo, como puede suceder con el Indonesio en "dua" (dos). También en la estructura oracional se aprecian las similitudes de los idiomas indoeuropeos y su diferenciación con los demás troncos lingüísticos: Lenguas indoeuropeas: Sujeto+verbo+objeto. Euskara: Sujeto+objeto+verbo. Lenguas semíticas: Verbo+sujeto+objeto. Arabe: daraba Zaydun alkalba "golpeó Zayd al perro". Euskara: Patxik zakurra zartakatu du "Patxi al perro ha golpeado". INDOEUROPEOS: Español: Juan golpeó al perro. Inglés: John hit the dog. "Juan golpeó al perro" Ruso: Ivan udáril sobáku "Juan golpeó al perro" Aunque tampoco excluye otros ordenamientos en lengua indoeuropea, como sucede en el Alemán: Ich glaube das Hans den hund schlug "Creo que Juan al perro golpeó". De la misma forma la secuencia morfológica característica del verbo indoeuropeo: (Raíz+tiempo-modo+desinencia personal del sujeto) español: Le+ía+s (verbo leer; leer+imperfecto de indicativo+2ª persona del singular). Pero donde se dan las mayores similitudes son en las palabras familiares y términos ligados a medios de subsistencia, las formas de captación del mundo o las creencias: ejm: Antiguo Indio: maatár, Avéstico: maatar, Tocario: maacar, Antiguo Armenio: Mair, Griego clásico: mhthr, latín: maater, Antiguo Irlandés: maathir, Antiguo alto alemán: muoter, Antiguo búlgaro: mati, etc, serie que continúa con las lenguas vivas indoeuropeas; español: madre, catalán: mare, francés: mère, inglés: mother, alemán: mutter, ruso: mat, letón: maate, etc evidencian una comunidad primitiva que nada tiene que ver con palabras equivalentes de otros idiomas no indoeuropeos: Abjaz: an, hixkaryana: Kyon, Mangarayi: nañl, y así sucesivamente... Verbo Ser en lenguas indoeuropeas: Sánscrito: Gótico: Antiguo búlgaro: Griego arcaico: Latín: *Indoeuropeo: asmi - ïm - yesm' - Emmí - sum *ésmi asi ïs yesi essí es *éssi asti ist yest' estí est *ésti smas sijum yesmi esmén sumus *smós stha sijuth yeste esté estis *sthé sánti sind sut' entí sunt *sénti El troco indoeuropeo se presenta en Europa agrupado en una serie de familias diferenciadas: Lenguas románicas: (procedentes del latín) español, catalán, gallego-portugués, francés, italiano, provenzal, rumano, sardo, romanche. Lenguas germánicas: Inglés, alemán, sueco, noruego, danés, islandés, holandés, flamenco. lenguas célticas: irlandés, escocés, bretón, galés. Lenguas eslavas: ruso, ucraniano, bielorruso, checo, eslovaco, serbocroata, esloveno, polaco, búlgaro. Lenguas Bálticas: Lituano, letón. Otras lenguas indoeuropeas: Albanés (hay autores que dicen que no), griego, armenio. Está claro que hubo un idioma común para todas estas lenguas, llamenlo indoeuropeo o como les salga a uno de las pelotas, pero hay un idioma común del que provienen los demás.

  32. #32 ausesken2 18 de dic. 2005

    Un diez para el mensaje anterior. Se puede añadir que no sólo existen parecidos entre las palabras de las diferentes lenguas europeas, sino que, además, de su comparación se puede deducir que existe una regularidad. Por poner un ejemplo sencillo: a una "d" en español le corresponde una "t" en inglés: "dos", "diez" = "two", "ten". A esto le llamamos leyes fonéticas. Los creadores de teorías sensacionalistas son incapaces de encontrar leyes fonéticas en las lenguas cuyo parentesco sostienen.

  33. #33 lgmoral 19 de dic. 2005

    Este foro puede hacer Historia por algunas de las intervenciones que en él se leen, empezando por la tesis central. Hay un conjunto muy amplio y muy notable de evidencias de dominio público entre indoeuropeistas y no indoeuropeistas sobre la presencia de préstamos culturales "orientales" -valga la generalización- en las lenguas indoeuropeas y que significan la delantera cronológica y el protagonismo de Oriente en ciertos aspectos de la Cultura y el papel receptor que tienen los hablantes de lenguas indoeuropeas. Sin ir más lejos, en la lengua griega y ya desde las tablillas micénicas están los semitismos que hoy se continúan en MENTA, COMINO, SÉSAMO ... y otros cultivos / especias / perfumes ... o SIDER(urgia), CRISO-ELEFANT(ina) y mil cosas más. Esta es una faceta más de lo que se suele resumir con "ex Oriente lux" y todo cuanto sea investigarla seriamente es tarea inapreciable.Por supuesto, como ya se ha señalado en este foro, habría que afinar bien lo que se compara, habría que excluir meras casualidades homofónicas, etc. pero está en terreno firme que de lenguas y culturas de Oriente ha recibido mucho y bueno la familia indoeuropea. Pero de ahí despeñarse a que el indoeuropeo nunca existió y que es una leyenda ... hay un trecho que no se debe recorrer y prefiero no entrar en desgranar obviedades que están excelentemente expuestas en el artículo precedente e Watkins o en cualquier Diccionario o Enciclopedia del Lenguaje y de las familias lingüísticas. Y lo de desgranar obviedades o repetir tópicos podría ser útil, aunque cansino, pero ponerse a dar debate a opiniones como la de que "el dialecto hático que se originó en Anatolia fue luego el alma mater del griego clásico" es algo que ya no ... Y esa es una de las varias opiniones que, añadidas a lo que se le atribuye a Semerano para darle, quitarle o afinarle la razón, yo no me encuentro con ánimos para comentar. En cambio lo que sí quiero comentar es que los evidentes y tercos riesgos del eurocentrismo o "euroombliguismo" y sus daños planetarios en el caso de la familia lingüística indoeuropea no son de mucha aplicación, aunque sí sean muy molones en el cotarro de las ideas. Hasta finales del s. XVIII Europa vive en su ombligo lingüístico-cultural con las lenguas clásicas griega y latina en protagonismo y una lengua en cierto modo intrusa pero inevitable en su estudio y muy respetable por sus textos, nada menos que los textos bíblicos. Además hay unas cuantas lenguas que de "vulgares" y "bárbaras" pasan a "nacionales" y se estudian y tienen todos los etcéteras relativos a su status. Una notable fractura en el euroombliguismo se da con las colonizaciones y conquistas en otros continentes, allí donde misiones y predicación, dentro de una línea que algunos llaman "babelismo", reconocen las lenguas "indígenas" y eso es un factor notable en que lleguen hasta hoy (guaraní, quechua ...). Cuando W. Jones, juez en Bengala, advierte en 1786 las semejanzas sistemáticas entre las lenguas griega, latina, sánscrita, persa, germánicas ... hace cualquier cosa menos eurocentrismo o euroombliguismo, pues no le duelen prendas en sorprenderse ante que aquellas lenguas y culturas son -cree él- notablemente más antiguas, ricas, expresivas ... que las lenguas clásicas de las que como europeo estaba orgulloso. Y cuando entrar en escena los ilustrados nacionalistas y románticos alemanes, los Schlegel y compañía, ya no es que no haya eurocentrismo, es que hacen ¡cuerpo a tierra! ante "La lengua y sabiduría de los indios" -un título de F. Schlegel- y se llega incluso a proponer un Segundo Renacimiento para que Europa recupere sus energías morales e intelectuales, pero que no será volver a Grecia y Roma, sino a los Vedas y a todo aquel mundo indoiranio, e incluso, con las cronologías y los mitos al uso, se sospecha el Edén o Paraíso Terrenal en Cachemira y los himnos védicos resultan estar a unos pasos de Adán y Eva. Y en salones, academias y universidades francesas, germánicas, inglesas ... el sánscrito, el védico, el avéstico y sus respectivas culturas fueron la moda y el novamás. Y no hubo la menor nota de eurocentrismo ni de euroombliguismo ni tics por el estilo cuando a los largo de todo el s. XIX y buena parte del XX fueron las lenguas indoiranias el núcleo y la pauta de Comparación y Reconstrucción, con, por ejemplo, la famosa fábula que Schleicher "tradujo" al Indoeuropeo y que tiene todo de sánscrito y de persa y nada o muy poco de los flamantes griegos y latines del ombligo europeo. Y toda la Tipología Lingüística con sus mitos de la secuencia necesaria o previsible lenguas aislantes > aglutinantes > flexivas y lo flexivo como repera de la perfección y la capacidad psíquica y expresiva se ancló en las lenguas indoeuropeas, desde luego, pero por las indoiranias y muy en segundo lugar por las europeas. Más todavía, el Indoeuropeo Común que se reconstruía presuponía que era "pérdida" todo cuanto no tenían las lenguas europeas, pero sí tenían las de Asia, las indoiranias, con flexión nominal y verbal muy complejas. Y en cuanto a PUEBLO, PATRIA y CULTURA indoeuropeos más de lo mismo, apoyado además en otras experiencias de movimientos de Oriente a Occidente: era Asia el origen y Europa lo secundario e indoeuropeizado. Y hasta los 1880 o más no empezó a abrirse paso la convicción, no el ombliguismo, de que por un montón de razones lo indoeuropeo tiene en Europa presencia antigua e incluso "originaria", y con esa convicción compitieron novedades en las que territorio asiático, incluso la Siberia ártica, seguía siendo el preferido.

  34. #34 rcg873 19 de dic. 2005

    El problema de esta teoría de que el indoeuropeo no existió, es que no tiene las suficientes pruebas sólidas para echar por tierra todas las muy sólidas pruebas que apuntan a un indoeuropeo. En cuanto a que la concepción del indoeuropeo es centroeuropeísta, eso es muy falso, como ya se apunta en el mensaje anterior. Un viajero Inglés ya apunta en la época de la colonización de la India por parte británica, que ha encontrado una lengua que es enormemente similar al latín (como podría serlo hoy el español por ejm) y que su perfección es tal que ni siquiera el latín o el griego pueden compararselas; este viajero hablaba del Sánscrito. Lo que sí creo que está por demostrar aún, es el origen real del indoeuropeo. Saludos.

  35. #35 giorgiodieffe 19 de dic. 2005

    Bueno...yo creo que las personas no puedan ser judicadas leyendo dos articulos de diario...o los titulos solamente. Los libros de semerano son estos: http://www.unilibro.it/find_buy/result_scrittori.asp?scrittore=Semerano+Giovanni&idaff=0 el ultimo libro: http://www.brunomondadori.com/scheda_opera.php?materiaID=79&ID=1700 creo que semerano diga cosas interesantes y chorradas (como todos) Leyendo los libros mas tecnicos (Le origini della cultura europea I y II: 183 euro +138 euro; 956 pp+726 pp), me parece simplemente que el augmente el aporte semitico a la origen de las lenguas del grupo que es llamado convencionalmente Indo-europeo...nada mas. Puede ser que vea semita en todos lados...pero es verdad tb que la mayoria de los estudiosos del asì dicho indoeuropeo no conocen las antiguas lenguas semiticas tanto como les conoce el. Esto no significa que tenga razon. La conquista acadica de parte de Europa no es fantaciencia, sino historia escricha (en sumerio: utilizado por acadicos) ...solo que pasò en un tiempo prehistorico (para Europa).

  36. #36 ausesken2 19 de dic. 2005

    A mí me parece que el haber estudiado Filología me sirve, PRECISAMENTE, para advertir cuando un libro es una chorrada sin necesidad de abrirlo, sólo con leer el título. No hace saber nada de lenguas semitas para advertir que las lenguas indoeuropeas están emparentadas y que este parentesco postula, obligatoriamente, una lengua común de la que todas ellas proceden. Si me permites, te recomiendo, por ejemplo, que compares los numerales de las lenguas indoeuropeas entre sí y luego con los de las lenguas semíticas. Te será muy fácil consultarlos en esta página: http://www.zompist.com/numbers.shtml Y el mismo ejercicio se puede hacer con cualesquiera otras palabras del vocabulario básico de estas lenguas. Puedes sacar tus propias conclusiones. Es muy fácil desacreditar y ridiculizar con falacias el trabajo bien hecho y riguroso de personas inteligentes y honestas.

  37. #37 ausesken2 19 de dic. 2005

    Al margen de la Filología, hay una serie de indicios infalibles para saber cuando una tesis es de carácter pseudofilológico, pseudohistórico o pseudocientífico en general. Uno de estos indicios es el título de la tesis. A un trabajo científico serio no se le dan títulos sensacionalistas tipo "La mentira de...", "La gran mentira...", "La fábula de...", y similares. Otro es el recurso a desacreditar las tesis contrarias aludiendo a una supuesta conspiración de carácter político, religioso o étnico, que no sólo sirve como argumento sino también como "blindaje". Quien se atreva a contradecirla podrá ser cómodamente tachado de "racista", "fascista", "etnocentrista", lo que sea.... Los trabajos serios y rigurosos se basan en pruebas y argumentos, no en trucos de este tipo.

  38. #38 giorgiodieffe 19 de dic. 2005

    Bueno, puede ser... pero no abrir los libros nunca es cosa buena. Leer el "Mein Kampf" no significa compartir las teorias de Hitler.

  39. #39 giorgiodieffe 19 de dic. 2005

    Anado que el titulo de la opera principal de Semerano es "Le origini della cultura europea" El titulo de la ultima obra lo impuso su editor para vender : Semerano tiene mas de 90 anos.

  40. #40 ausesken2 19 de dic. 2005

    Si no lees los libros malos tienes más tiempo para leer los libros buenos. El tiempo que ahorro leyendo "Mein Kampf" lo puedo destinar a leer un buen tratado sobre las lenguas indoeuropeas o sobre lingüística comparativa o.... Además los libros malos son todos terriblemente parecidos: título sensacionalista, desacreditación de la tesis contraria (mediante la tesis de la conspiración) , autoapología del autor (soy un genio incomprendido y perseguido por una conspiración política/religiosa/etnocentrista) y a continuación el grueso del contenido: un montón de falacias y de ejemplos irrelevantes tomados por los pelos. Una vez has leído un libro de este tipo los has leído todos.

  41. #41 ausesken2 19 de dic. 2005

    En cuanto al título del libro de Semerano: Bien, pero... es que las tesis históricas o lingüísticas no se hacen para vender. . Si es así, tú mismo me estás confirmando que no se trata de una obra seria y rigurosa sino de un libro sensacionalista hecho con el único fin de ganar dinero a costa de la credulidad de la gente.

  42. #42 giorgiodieffe 19 de dic. 2005

    Puff puff puff... :-) No creo que sea el caso de Semerano :-))) hablas sin conocer Sus trabajos estan a lado de los de Renfrew Villar etc etc... un ejemplo: http://www.brunomondadori.com/scheda_opera.php?ID=1133

  43. #43 giorgiodieffe 19 de dic. 2005

    Amigo es un viejo...viejisimo: y el ultimo libro es divulgativo. No es un tratado. El tratado es lo que mencioné antes.

  44. #44 ausesken2 19 de dic. 2005

    En cuanto al título del libro de Semerano: Bien, pero... es que las tesis históricas o lingüísticas no se hacen para vender. . Si es así, tú mismo me estás confirmando que no se trata de una obra seria y rigurosa sino de un libro sensacionalista hecho con el único fin de ganar dinero a costa de la credulidad de la gente.

  45. #45 giorgiodieffe 19 de dic. 2005

    :-) si si si uno que tiene mas o menos 95 anos piensa solo mas a ganar ...pues, hembras y champan :-)))

  46. #46 ausesken2 20 de dic. 2005

    Pues sí, sí que es el caso. Y aún te voy a decir más: este señor no demuestra tener el más mínimo conocimiento de las lenguas semíticas (o al menos, lo disimula muy bien). Ni siquiera parece saber como se dice "Eva" en hebreo. "Eva" es sólo una forma románica de la palabra hebrea "Chavvah". ¿Qué sentido tiene comparar "Eva" con "Awa" -y un "Ewe" que no queda claro de dónde sale- ? ¿Por qué no lo compara con la palabra original hebrea? ¿Es que no sabe hebreo?? ¿O es simplemente que si compara "Chavvah" con "Awa" el parecido es mucho menor?? Además, ¿por qué "Ama" debería pronunciarse "Awa"? O, mejor todavía, ¿qué tiene que ver el sumerio con el acadio? El sumerio no es una lengua semitica y es completamente distinto del acadio. Tampoco sabe eso este gran "cervellone" tan entendido en las lenguas semiticas. En fin.....

  47. #47 ausesken2 20 de dic. 2005

    Como quieras, Giorgio. Creo que se te han dado muchos y muy buenos argumentos para hacerte entender porque lo que dice este señor (y otros muchos como el) es solo una sarta de disparates. Y tambien porque es indignante que este y otros señores reciban el aplauso de la gente mientras quienes han realizado trabajos rigurosos y bien fundamentos tienen que quedar por idiotas. Pero estas en tu derecho de creer lo que te parezca bien.

  48. #48 giorgiodieffe 20 de dic. 2005

    Quien te ha dicho que yo crea? Yo te he dicho que yo leo todo... Y ni menos he dicho que los otros sean idiotas. Solo que yo leo todo. Si tu ya sabes ante que leer lo que dice una persona no eres un cientifico, sino un brujo :-) Medita. p.s. la historia de Chavva existe ya en culturas semiticas prehebraicas. Tu querias empezar a mitad del percurso?

  49. #49 giorgiodieffe 20 de dic. 2005

    pardon: Chavvah... otra cosa: crees que un tio lo hagan hablar a congresos internaccionales si es un "cervellone" como lo pintas tu? Ningun ha dicho que el sumerio sea acadio, ni que sea semita. No sè donde lo leiste. Por cierto no lo ha dicho Semerano. Solo que los acadios tomaron prestamos sumerios y que la lengua sumeria devino una lengua religiosa y de la escuela. http://xoomer.virgilio.it/bxpoma/akkadeng/bronze_age.htm El texto de la intervista en italiano quiere decir: "Ama" en sumerio significa "madre". Los acadios toman muchos prestamos del sumero pero muchas veces pronuncian "m" como si fueran "w".

  50. #50 giorgiodieffe 20 de dic. 2005

    por cierto, normalmente en hebraico, Chawah se considera la forma causativa de chavah = decir, declarar, monstrar, respirar pero son suposiciones tb estas

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